Генеалогическая классификация семитских языков в свете лексических изоглосс тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 10.02.20, доктор наук Коган Леонид Ефимович

  • Коган Леонид Ефимович
  • доктор наукдоктор наук
  • 2020, ФГАОУ ВО «Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»
  • Специальность ВАК РФ10.02.20
  • Количество страниц 552
Коган Леонид Ефимович. Генеалогическая классификация семитских языков в свете лексических изоглосс: дис. доктор наук: 10.02.20 - Сравнительно-историческое, типологическое и сопоставительное языкознание. ФГАОУ ВО «Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики». 2020. 552 с.

Оглавление диссертации доктор наук Коган Леонид Ефимович

Contents

Generalities

Introduction: genealogical classification of Semitic and the role

of lexical isoglosses

1. Genealogical classification of Semitic: state of the art

2. Lexical isoglosses and genealogical classification of Semitic

3. Lexicostatistics as applied to the Semitic languages

4. Diachronic stratification of the basic vocabulary

5. Previous research on lexical isoglosses in Semitic

Chapter One.

The basic vocabulary of Proto-Semitic: form and meaning

1. Proto-Semitic lexical reconstruction: the Swadesh wordlist

Chapter Two.

Historical unity and internal division of West Semitic

as reflected in the basic vocabulary

1. East Semitic vs. West Semitic:

history of research and some methodological issues

2. The key isogloss

3. More morphological features?

3.1. Features suggested in previous research

3.2. Newly suggested features

4. In search of Proto-West Semitic lexical features

4.1. The Swadesh wordlist

4.2. Other lexical strata

4.3. Lexical evidence for the ES/WS dichotomy: conclusions

5. The internal division of West Semitic

5.1. Morphological isoglosses

5.2. The internal division of West Semitic: lexical isoglosses

5.2.1. The Swadesh wordlist

5.2.2. Other lexical strata

5.2.2.1. CS + EthS

5.2.2.2. EthS + MSA

5.2.2.3. CS + MSA

6. The internal division of WS in light of the lexical evidence:

conclusions

Chapter Three.

Lexical isoglosses and the Central Semitic hypothesis

1. The Central Semitic hypothesis before

2. Huehnergard's Features of Central Semitic

3. More morphological features?

4. Conflicting evidence

5. Central Semitic: the lexical features

5.1. Basic lexicon in the Swadesh wordlist

5.2. Basic lexicon outside the Swadesh wordlist

5.3. PCS lexemes including probable Arabisms in MSA and EthS

6. Conclusions

Chapter Four.

North-West Semitic as a genealogical unity: grammar and lexicon

1. The North-West Semitic hypothesis: a general overview

2. Phonological and morphological features of Proto-NWS

3. The lexical evidence

3.1. The Swadesh wordlist

3.1.1. Trivial retentions from PS, PWS and PCS

3.1.1.1. From PS

3.1.1.2. From PWS

3.1.1.3. From PCS

3.1.2. Other types of isoglosses

3.1.3. Summary of the evidence

3.2. Other lexical fields

4. Conclusions

Chapter Five.

Lexical isoglosses and the genealogical position of Ugaritic

1. Introduction

2. Basic vocabulary of Ugaritic: the Swadesh wordlist

2.1. The Swadesh wordlist: the evidence

2.1.1. Certain

2.1.2. Probable

2.1.3. Not established

2.2. The Swadesh wordlist: analysis

2.3. The Swadesh wordlist: comparison

2.3.1. Ugaritic-Hebrew

2.3.2. Ugaritic-Akkadian

2.3.3. Ugaritic-Syriac

2.4. The Swadesh wordlist: conclusions

3. Basic vocabulary outside the Swadesh list

3.1. Exclusive isoglosses between Ugaritic and Canaanite languages

3.2. Exclusive isoglosses between Ugaritic and other Semitic languages

3.2.1. Ugaritic-Arabic

3.2.1.1. Probable

3.2.1.2. Dubious or unreliable

3.2.2. Ugaritic-Aramaic

3.2.3. Ugaritic-Akkadian

4. Conclusions

4.2. Exclusive lexical isoglosses between Ugaritic and Arabic:

an evaluation

4.3. Ugaritic and Akkadian: shared lexical archaisms or early loanwords?

Chapter Six.

From Old to Modern Aramaic:

the historical unity of Aramaic as reflected in the basic vocabulary

1. Introduction

2. Exclusive pan-Aramaic isoglosses in Old Aramaic inscriptions:

lexical items

3. Exclusive pan-Aramaic isoglosses in Old Aramaic inscriptions: morpholexical features

4. Non-exclusive pan-Aramaic isoglosses in Old Aramaic inscriptions:

lexical items

5. Non-exclusive pan-Aramaic isoglosses in Old Aramaic inscriptions: morpholexical features

6. General evaluation of pan-Aramaic lexical isoglosses

7. Proto-Aramaic lexical isoglosses in individual Old Aramaic inscriptions

8. Proto-Aramaic lexical features in Samalian and Deir "Alla

8.1. Samalian

8.2. Deir "Alla

8.3. Aramaic affiliation of Samalian and Deir "AllJ as reflected in the lexicon

9. Lexical discontinuity between Old Aramaic and later Aramaic dialects

Chapter Seven.

Lexical isoglosses and the historical unity of Ethiopian Semitic

1. Introduction

2. The Swadesh wordlist: the evidence

2.2. Trivial retentions

2.3. Non-trivial retentions

2.4. Semantic innovations

2.5. Proto-Ethiopian terms of uncertain origin

2.6. Certain or likely Cushitisms

3. The Swadesh wordlist: analysis and discussion

4. Evidence from other lexical fields

5. Conclusions

Chapter Eight.

Modern South Arabian as a genealogical subgroup:

the lexical dimension

1. Introduction

2. MSA as a genealogical subgroup: morphological features

3. Lexical evidence for the historical unity of MSA

3.1. The Swadesh wordlist: the evidence

3.1.1. The sources

3.1.1.1. Soqotri

3.1.1.2. Mehri

3.1.1.3. Jibbali

3.1.2. The lexical data

3.1.3. Notes to the table

Excursus

Dialectal variety in the Mehri lexicon as reflected in the Swadesh wordlist

3.2. The Swadesh wordlist: analysis

5

3.2.1. Trivial retentions

Excursus 2. What is lost in the basic vocabulary of Proto-MSA?

3.2.2. Non-trivial retentions

3.2.3. Semantic innovations

3.2.4. Etymologically uncertain terms

3.3. The Swadesh wordlist: conclusions

3.4. Lexical evidence for the historical unity of MSA

outside the Swadesh wordlist

3.4.1. Proto-MSA lexical isoglosses

3.4.2. Proto-MSA morpholexical features

4. Modern South Arabian as a genealogical subgroup:

the evidence of the basic vocabulary

5. Lexical evidence and the internal division of MSA

5.1. The Swadesh wordlist

5.1.1. Mehri—Jibbali

5.1.2. Jibbali—Soqotri

5.1.3. Mehri—Soqotri

5.1.4. The Swadesh wordlist: conclusions

5.2. Other lexical strata

5.2.1. Jibbali—Soqotri

5.2.2. Mehri—Soqotri

5.3. Conclusions

Conclusions

References

Abbreviations of lexicographic and grammatical tools

Abbreviations of language names

Рекомендованный список диссертаций по специальности «Сравнительно-историческое, типологическое и сопоставительное языкознание», 10.02.20 шифр ВАК

Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «Генеалогическая классификация семитских языков в свете лексических изоглосс»

Generalities

By the second half of the 20th century, most Semitists tended to adhere to a rather sceptical attitude towards genealogical classification: some prominent scholars labeled this procedure not only "useless", but even "harmful" and "dangerous" for historical Semitic linguistics. However, genealogical subgrouping of Semitic is still of interest for many researchers in the field. The present author is among them: in his opinion, working on genealogical classification is among the most important tasks of the diachronic study of Semitic. Research topic

The present study covers various aspects of interaction between lexical and morphological factors relevant for genealogical classification of Semitic. In each of its seven thematic chapters, this problem is considered with regard to one particular Semitic subgroup. Besides, this study discusses some theoretical aspects of the development of the basic vocabulary, as well as linguistic and philological methods which help us to define the functional status of lexemes in modern and ancient Semitic idioms. Last but not least, individual etymological comparisons, many of them newly introduced by the author, are of much importance for the present dissertation.

The relevance of our study is conditioned by the relatively poor state of affairs in the domain of Semitic subgrouping. This dissertation is the first and, so far, only book-size treatment of this question. Particularly relevant is the attempt at systematic comparison of classification models obtained by different means: throughout the dissertation, morphological innovations significant for genealogical division are compared to the results of the diachronic stratification of the basic vocabulary, both within and outside the Swadesh wordlists.

The originality of the research can be described by the following parameters.

• The present study is the first of its kind to provide a systematic correlation between morphological isoglosses relevant for classification and the data of the basic vocabulary.

• The study offers to the reader scores of newly suggested etymological comparisons.

• The Swadesh wordlists used in the book have been compiled with due attention to the most recent philological resources and methods. As a result, many comparisons suggested before have been rejected as unfounded and, conversely, some philologically convincing, but previously unknown exclusive lexical isoglosses have been proposed.

• Much of the Modern South Arabian lexical data have been obtained in the course of the author's fieldwork on the island of Soqotra.

Methodological basis

According to a widespread opinion, genealogical classification of Semitic should be based on shared morphological innovations. This method, known to Semitists mostly from a series of pioneering studies by R. Hetzron, was partly anticipated by O. Rossler. Recently, the most important contributions to its development have been made by J. Huehnergard.

The most evident difficulty which one faces when applying this method to the Semitic data is the relative rarity of clear-cut and, at the same time, sufficiently specific morphological innovations. On the one hand, Semitic languages use a rather restricted set of derivational and inflectional morphemes; on the other hand, the morphology of Semitic is very conservative: preservation of ancient affixes is more widespread than introduction of new ones. Finally, it is not always possible to identify relevant morphological features of ancient Semitic languages due to the consonantal nature of the respective writing systems, let alone the restricted and fragmentary state of many text corpora.

Scholars strictly adhering to the morphological approach to classification often ignore the fact that not every morphological feature that seems to be specific for a certain subgroup of Semitic can be automatically viewed as an innovation. In fact, the contrary is true: the innovative nature of a morpheme should be thoroughly demonstrated in each case. No morphological innovation can appear ex nihilo, it must go back to another morphological feature, formally and/or semantically more archaic. As long as the diachronic development of the respective morpheme is not convincingly demonstrated, one cannot view it as a common innovation, which considerably reduces its value for the elaboration of a classificatory model.

Moreover, morphological innovations potentially relevant for genealogical subgrouping often come into conflict with other other such features pointing to another classificatory scheme. Theoretically, the Rossler-Hetzron method implies some sort of hierarchical arrangement of morphological features: some of them are of more value than others. Unfortunately, such a hierarchical stratification has been very rarely undertaken in Semitic studies.

All in all, the Rossler-Hetzron method cannot be applied without serious restrictions. This by itself favors the use of other instruments potentially efficient for genealogical subgrouping - primarily, an in-depth analysis of the basic vocabulary.

According to the widely accepted consensus, lexical data cannot play any significant role in genealogical classification. Many Semitists take this view for axiomatic and see no need to substantiate it. When particular arguments are nevertheless adduced, three of them appear to be particularly weighty.

• Lexicon is open to borrowing, whereas morphological affixes (especially the inflectional ones) can rarely be borrowed.

• There are considerable difficulties in estimating the value of lexical features for genealogical division.

• The temporal gap between two or several languages under comparison may be so large that potentially relevant lexical data are irrevocably lost.

In our opinion, none of these arguments is weighty enough to reject the use of lexical data for genealogical classification of Semitic.

• The problem of borrowing becomes much less acute if we restrict the research scope to those layers of the basic vocabulary where borrowings are empirically known to be comparatively rare.

• Correct evaluation of the classificatory potential of lexical items is no more difficult than establishing the classificatory value of morphological isoglosses.

• Objections of chronological nature pertain not only to lexical isoglosses, but to genealogical classification in general. Still, many Semitists are inclined to believe that it is precisely the vocabulary that is particularly prone to abrupt and unpredictable changes. However, this concept is scarcely correct: the importance of the basic vocabulary for the communication process is by no means inferior to that of morphological markers, so any dramatic change in the fundamental layers of the vocabulary would inevitably threaten the very existence of a given language as an independent idiom.

Lexicostatistical methods of classification gained no wide popularity in Semitic linguistics in spite of the fact that a few rather convincing classification models, some of which well compatible with classifications based on morphological criteria, have been obtained in the framework of this trend.

General mistrust towards the lexicostatistical method among Semitists has seriously discredited any attempts to use the basic vocabulary as an instrument of genealogical classification. It is, nevertheless, obvious that lexicostatistics is not the only method of evaluating the relevance of the basic vocabulary for dialectal subgrouping.

It is well known that in the framework of the lexicostatistical procedure all lexical coincidences are estimated regardless of their diachronic nature. In the reality, however, any lexical isogloss is either a retention or an innovation. As vocabulary is no different from morphology in this respect, a natural question comes to one's mind: if it is generally accepted that common morphological innovations are highly important for classification, while the value of archaisms ranges from intermediate to zero, why not apply the same principle to the basic vocabulary?

According to this approach, each lexical isogloss shared by languages X and Y belongs to one of the following cathegories:

(1) trivial retentions

(2) non-trivial retentions

(3) formal or semantic innovations

(4) loanwords

(5) words of uncertain origin.

Words that correspond directly to their Proto-Semitic prototypes in both phonological and semantic (functional) aspects are labeled trivial retentions. Preservation of their reflexes with the same meaning in a greater or smaller amount of Semitic languages is quite expected, therefore, trivial retentions are usually not significant for genealogical subgrouping. It is rather their shared loss that may be important in individual cases.

There are numerous basic concepts for which no single Proto-Semitic designation can be reconstructed compellingly enough. For instance, several verbal roots with the approximate meaning 'to come, to reach, to arrive' (*bw!, *!tw, *ml!) may be traced back to Proto-Semitic, but one cannot be sure which of them is the main Proto-Semitic exponent of the basic concept 'to come': in each language one of the possibilities is chosen, and it is practically impossible to establish the Proto-Semitic picture nowadays. The value of such non-trivial retentions for genealogical subgrouping depends on the specifity of a particular lexical feature. It is significant that non-trivial retentions often form greater or smaller clusters, so if a single isogloss

may be considered a coincidence, the same choice in five, seven or ten cases made by the two languages that have no particularly close genealogical relation is rather improbable.

There is hardly any need to comment on formal and semantic innovations: the reflex of a Proto-Semitic term in a certain pair or group of languages undergoes phonological, morphological or, most often, semantic changes. Lexical innovations seem to be highly important for genealogical classification.

Some lexical resemblances between languages may be explained as loanwords. If there are no compelling arguments for assuming that a term was borrowed at an early stage of the existence of a proto-language, such isoglosses are practically useless as far as classification is concerned.

Quite numerous lexical isoglosses characteristic of particular subgroups of Semitic languages have no reliable etymology (in spite of their manifestly "Semitic" shape). The origin of such lexemes is unknown. Terms of this kind make us face, time and again, the well-known glottogonic problem: where do the "new" words appear from? Feasible alternatives are not many: either these lexemes have been inherited from Proto-Semitic by a given Semitic subgroup only, being entirely lost elsewhere; or else some atypical phonological and/or semantic transformations that are difficult to retrieve by the existing tools of etymological analysis have taken place. As a rule, the subgrouping potential of lexical isoglosses of uncertain origin is rather high: most lexemes of this category are either highly specific non-trivial retentions, or innovations whose phonetic or semantic nature we are unable to establish.

Diachronic stratification of the Semitic basic vocabulary as practiced in this dissertation aims to disprove the widespread opinion according to which basic lexicon is a kind of shapeless mass of words. Rather - both synchronically and diachronically -it is a deeply structured system of terms corresponding to a relatively restricted range of fundamental concepts.

Within our methodology, the notion of the main (or basic) exponent of a semantic concept is of crucial significance, both for historically attested idioms and for reconstructed proto-languages. Although a given concept may be expressed by several synonyms, there is usually only one term that is truly neutral. When lexical data are used for genealogical classification, the functional status of each lexeme under examination must, therefore, be our primary concern. To put it differently, the presence of a lexeme n not only in languages Xx and X2, but also in language Y does not by itself mean that Xx and X2 cannot be opposed to Y as a particularly close subgroup - unless it can be shown that n has the same functional load in Y that it has in Xx and X2.

Our methodology owes much to the lexicostatistical method and could have hardly been developed without theoretical and practical acquaintance with its basic principles. However, there are several important aspects by which the two methods differ from each other.

First of all, our method of estimating the classificatory value of lexical isoglosses has no chronological dimension. Thus, if one has to prove, for instance, the common origin of the basic vocabulary of Ethiopian Semitic, there is no need to establish the absolute date when this subgroup separated from the Proto-West Semitic or when

Proto-Ethiopian divided into separate branches and languages. In other words, there is no need to accept the questionable premise that the loss of lexical features occurs at an even pace in each Semitic language (which does not seem to be correct anyway).

The second difference is of no less importance: while the present study is focused on lexical innovations, lexicostatistical calculations do not distinguish between innovations and retentions. That is why it is impossible to detect which trends in the development of the basic vocabulary are conservative and which are innovative. In other words, one cannot say why languages Xx and X2 have this or that amount of lexical coincidences: is it because both of them are lexically conservative idioms which tend to preserve the Proto-Semitic lexical heritage, or rather because they are united by a shared stage of diachronic development not undergone by other Semitic languages.

Last but not least, in the framework of the present methodology there is no need to restrict the scope of lexical isoglosses under scrutiny to a fixed list of concepts. This seems to be an important advantage for limited-corpus ancient Semitic languages, for which a complete Swadesh wordlist is often impossible to compile.

Goals and objectives

While working on genealogical division of Semitic, it is reasonable to distinguish between two main aspects of the classificatory procedure.

On the one hand, it is necessary to posit and justify several major splits, such as East Semitic vs. West Semitic or Central Semitic vs. South Semitic.

On the other hand, one has to justify the reconstruction of the common ancestors of minor Semitic subdivisions, such as Canaanite, Aramaic, Ethiopian Semitic, Modern South Arabian.

Establishing the affiliation of limited-corpus ancient Semitic languages (Ugaritic, Deir iAlla, Samalian) is also worth mentioning. Theses to be defended

• The Proto-Semitic basic vocabulary can be reconstructed with a high degree of semantic exactitude. Furthermore, for many concepts it is possible to postulate a Proto-Semitic lexeme as its only main exponent. The same holds true for the proto-languages of lower taxonomic ranks.

• In spite of the apparent obviousness, there is much difficulty in justifying the East/West Semitic dichotomy with the help of morphological data. Similarly, specifically West Semitic lexical isoglosses are quite numerous (admittedly, mostly outside the Swadesh wordlist), but in most cases it is hard to prove their innovative nature.

• According to the lexical data, Modern South Arabian was the first subgroup to separate from the Proto-West Semitic stock. That means that Central Semitic and Ethiopian Semitic once formed a genealogical unity.

• The evidence of the basic vocabulary (first of all, the Swadesh wordlist) clearly points at a special genealogical proximity between Arabic, Hebrew and Aramaic. Thus, they support the Rossler-Hetzron Central Semitic hypothesis and contradict the more traditional idea of the "South Semitic" genealogical unity comprising Arabic.

• The traditionally posited North West Semitic linguistic community that unites Canaanite and Aramaic is scarcely reflected on the lexical level. As morphological innovations pointing at its existence are also not numerous, the existence of this branch is at best questionable.

• The lexical data allow - contra the actual concensus - to attribute Ugaritic to the Canaanite linguistic community, where it sides with Phoenician and is opposed to Hebrew.

• The fundamental commonalities in the basic vocabulary is the crucial factor allowing us to view Aramaic as a homogeneous linguistic group from the most ancient epigraphic monuments to the Neo-Aramaic idioms spoken today.

• While apparently self-evident, the historical unity of Ethiopian Semitic can hardly ever be supported by morphological innovations shared by all major languages of this subgroup. In such a context, numerous commonalities in the basic vocabulary turn out to be the main argument for this thesis. And conversely, the lexical data do not support the idea of "North Ethiopian Semitic" and "South Ethiopian Semitic" originating from two different waves of Semitic colonization of the Ethiopian plateau.

• The extraordinarily high degree of lexical specifity is one of the crucial characteristics of Modern South Arabian. Within this group, lexical data point to a special proximity between Soqotri and Jibbali (as opposed to Mehri), which is also supported by several important morphological isoglosses.

Practical significance of the dissertation is conditioned, inter alia, by the large quantity of carefully elaborated etymological comparisons. In view of the absence of a fully-fledged summary handbook on Semitic etymology, such an extensive work on historical lexicography can serve as a makeshift for the etymological dictionary of Semitic. Of much practical importance is the didactic potential of the book for a wide spectrum of disciplines in the realm of Semitic linguistics and Ancient Near Eastern philology. Finally, due to the large amount of comparative philological observations, the dissertation may serve as a valuable auxiliary tool for reading and analyzing texts written in ancient and modern Semitic languages. Approbation

The main body of the dissertation was published as Genealogical Classification of Semitic: The Lexical Isoglosses by De Gruyter international publishing house1. In the subsequent five years, the book has become an often cited manual not only for the classification problem, but also for many other aspects of the Semitic historical grammar and lexicography, let alone individual etymological comparisons.

Particular issues touched upon in the dissertation have been discussed in detail in numerous articles by the author published in international scientific periodicals, among them 15 studies in journals indexed in WoS and Scopus (Journal of the American Oriental Society, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Journal of Semitic Studies, Brill's Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie).

1 Some reviews: Aaron Butts (JNES 77:144-149), Na'ama Pat-El (OLZ 112:153-157), Gregorio del Olmo Lete (AuOr 34:359-369).

Some of the theoretical points developed in the dissertation are reflected in other books by the author. The same is true of many specific observations and particular etymological comparisons. Thus, the two volumes of the "Semitic Etymological Dictionary" co-authored with A. Militarev offer detailed reconstructions of many items of the Proto-Semitic basic vocabulary (anatomic terms and animal names). "Corpus of Soqotri Oral Literature", published in collaboration with V. Naumkin and M. Bulakh, contains scores of previously unknown Soqotri lexemes, many of which directly relevant for the historical analysis of the MSA lexicon. The annotated publication of the XlVth century "Arabic-Ethiopic Glossary" (co-authored with M. Bulakh) allowed us to detect many pan-Ethiopian lexical isoglosses in the early forms of unwritten Ehiopian Semitic languages previously known from modern publications only. Finally, throughout the first volume of the Etymological Dictionary of Akkadian (co-authored with M. Krebernik) the results of this dissertation are systematically used both theoretically (in what concerns, for instance, the role of the Eblaite lexicon in our understanding of the East/West Semitic dichotomy) and within the analysis of many individual etymogical comparisons.

Many ideas elaborated in the eighth chapter of the dissertation have been tested during numerous field seasons on the island of Soqotra. The significance of the Soqotri grammatical and lexical data, received directly from Soqotri informants, for the correct evaluation of the lexical specifity of MSA is difficult to overestimate.

Many theoretical points elaborated in the dissertation have found their way into language classes and lecture courses taught by the author in HSE and RSUH ("Arabic", "Biblical Hebrew", "Ugaritic language and literature", "Comparative Semitics").

The results achieved in the dissertation have been presented during several international forums on Semitic linguistics and Ancient Near Eastern philology, such as Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, International Congress of Ethiopian Studies, the Annual Meeting of the European Association of Biblical Studies, the Biennial Meeting of the International Association for Comparative Semitics.

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Заключение диссертации по теме «Сравнительно-историческое, типологическое и сопоставительное языкознание», Коган Леонид Ефимович

Conclusions

The chart below summarizes our views on the key issues of the Semitic classification debate. This pictorial presentation can be supplemented by the following nine theses dwelling on the most crucial and problematic nodes of our genealogical tree.

1. The historical unity of West Semitic hardly ever finds unambiguous support in the morphological domain, and can only rarely be supported by lexical evidence. Within the Swadesh wordlist, nearly all features opposing Akkadian to the bulk of WS can safely be considered Akkadian innovations, saying nothing of the hypothetical genealogical proximity of the remaining languages. Elsewhere in the basic vocabulary, clear-cut lexical oppositions between Akkadian and West Semitic are not rare, but the diachronic status of the respective WS lexemes — shared innovations of Proto-WS or independently preserved PS archaisms — is usually hard to establish. The ES/WS dichotomy, tentatively preserved in our chart, is difficult to maintain on strictly linguistic grounds.

2. There is little morphological evidence for any of the four possible patterns of the internal division of West Semitic (MSA + EthS; MSA + CS; CS + EthS; three equidistant independent branches). At the same time, lexical evidence from the Swadesh wordlist strongly speaks in favor of Central Semitic having a closer proximity to Ethiopian Semitic as opposed to Modern South Arabian. Other strata of the basic vocabulary broadly confirm this hypothesis. There is virtually no lexical (or, for that matter, morphological) evidence uniting Ethiopian Semitic with Modern South Arabian (as against the modified South Semitic theory of O. Rossler and R. Hetzron).

3. Remarkable lexical proximity is a key argument in favor of the Central S e m i t i c hypothesis, advocating a special genealogical link between Arabic, Epigraphic South Arabian, Aramaic and Canaanite. A few important exclusive isoglosses in the Swadesh wordlist are supplemented by numerous commonalities in other domains of the basic vocabulary. The traditional South Semitic theory, uniting Arabic and ESA with Ethiopian Semitic and Modern South Arabian, cannot be reconciled with the bulk of the lexical evidence and ought to be abandoned. A few morphological features contradicting the Central Semitic affiliation of Arabic and ESA (first and foremost, the broken plural patterns) are to be evaluated as areal phenomena having South Arabia as their original focus of irradiation. The same can be said about a few remarkable (even if not very numerous) lexical isoglosses uniting Arabic with Ethiopian Semitic and, much more rarely, Modern South Arabian. The orbit encompassing the languages affected by these areal "South Semitic" trends is represented by a dashed line oval in our chart.

4. The internal division of Central Semitic remains a poorly understood issue which could not be clarified by either grammatical or lexical arguments. The traditional North West Semitic subdivision, comprising Canaanite and Aramaic and tentatively indicated by another dashed line oval in the chart, is particularly hard to maintain.

5. There is strong lexical evidence in favor of the Canaanite affiliation of Ugaritic. Somewhat ambiguous in the Swadesh wordlist, this conclusion becomes compelling as soon as other segments of the basic vocabulary are taken into consideration. A further, very important, refinement of this thesis is a neat genealogical link between Ugaritic and Phoenician, opposing both to Hebrew. Whether or not there are grammatical arguments decisively contradicting any of these two assertions is in need of further study.

6. A deeply structured net of shared lexical peculiarities is a highly important element of the historical profile of A r a m a i c. This is particularly true of Old and Modern Aramaic, where many of the classical Aramaic features of phonological and morphological order are missing or cannot surface. There is, furthermore, enough lexical evidence in favor of some sort of special genealogical proximity between A r a m a i c proper, S a m a l i a n and the language of the D e i r A l l a inscription, although especially in the latter case a few markedly non-Aramaic lexical elements are also in evidence. A tentative solution offered in our chart is a consecutive separation of Deir Alla, Samalian and Aramaic in the strict sense from a common "A r a m o i d" stem.

7. The nature of the extant text corpora written in Epigraphic South Arabian does not allow us to meaningfully use the lexical evidence in the hot debate on the eventual diachronic unity of the languages traditionally ascribed to this subgroup. Central Semitic lexical features, relatively well attested in Sabaic, are less common (even if not totally lacking) in the non-Sabaic languages, but this restriction may well be due to a much more fragmentary documentation.

8. The historical unity of Ethiopian Semitic, traditionally based on just a few rather shaky morphological arguments, finds reliable support in the lexical domain both within and outside the Swadesh wordlist. The fascinating problem of the internal division of Ethiopian Semitic is not covered by our monograph, but is scheduled for further research. Our chart provisionally reflects two prominent trends, viz. the profound specificity of T i g r e with respect to all the remaining languages of the group, and the well established unity of the S o u t h e r n languages (which, in any case, does not imply that the remaining tongues must be similarly unified). Much further elaboration on these and other related issues is still necessary.

9. The extraordinary degree of specificity in the M o d e r n S o u t h A r a b i a n branch is richly documented in all segments of the basic vocabulary, which provide a welcome addition to several remarkable morphological peculiarities. As far as the i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n o f M S A is concerned, a special lexical proximity between Soqotri and Jibbali is beyond doubt, although its nature (archaic or innovative) is practically impossible to detect. Separation of these two languages into a

special sub-branch in our chart is, therefore, rather conventional.

* * *

None of our conclusions is particularly innovative or revolutionary. In most cases we have built on comparatively solid foundations laid down by our predecessors.

It is our conviction that lexical evidence, playing the key role in our argument but unjustly neglected in the majority of earlier studies on this topic, has proven to be an effective means to refine (and at times perhaps to rectify) these earlier conclusions. If, after the appearance of this book, skeptical minds become less radical in their rejection of the usefulness of the lexical isoglosses in the Semitic genealogical classification, our main goal may be considered abundantly achieved.

Our own vision of the subgrouping potential of the Semitic basic vocabulary is, nevertheless, quite sober and far from over-optimistic. Lexical isoglosses are not to be regarded as a kind of panacea which will at once solve each and every problem in this exceedingly complex debate. Not unlike the more traditional method of morphological innovations, a systematic diachronic analysis of the basic vocabulary has its merits and drawbacks, and the most acute difficulty is typically the same for both methods, namely, our inability to distinguish shared innovations from common retentions. That the two methods can fruitfully be combined is, in our view, not in doubt, and the paramount importance of such an integral approach to this question is even more obvious in view of the deep crisis in which today's study of the Semitic genealogical classification finds itself. Whether or not such a combined treatment will finally yield an acceptable consensus on this fascinating issue is, of course, very difficult to predict.

Список литературы диссертационного исследования доктор наук Коган Леонид Ефимович, 2020 год

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Abbreviations of lexicographic and grammatical tools

AED: T. L. Kane. Amharic-English Dictionary. Wiesbaden, 1990.

AHw.: W. von Soden. Akkadisches Handwcyrterbuch. Wiesbaden, 1965-1981.

BDB: F. Brown, S. R. Driver, Ch. A. Briggs. A Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old

Testament. Oxford, 1906.

Behnstedt: P. Behnstedt. Die nordjemenitischen Dialekte (Glossar). Wiesbaden 1992-2006.

BH: E. Badawi, M. Hinds. A Dictionary of Egyptian Arabic. Beirut, 1986.

BK: A. de Biberstein Kazimirski. Dictionnaire arabe-français. Paris, 1860.

Biella: J. C. Biella. Dictionary of Old South Arabic, Sabaean Dialect. Chico, 1982.

CAD: The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute, the University of Chicago. Chicago,

1956-2010.

CDA: J. Black, A. George, N. Postgate. A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian. Wiesbaden. CDG: W. Leslau. Comparative Dictionary of Ge'ez (Classical Ethiopic). Wiesbaden, 1987. DJBA: M. Sokoloff. A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic. Ramat-Gan, 2002. DJPA: M. Sokoloff. A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic. Ramat-Gan, 2002. DNWSI: J. Hoftijzer, K. Jongeling. Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions. Leiden, 1995.

Dozy: R. Dozy. Supplément au dictionnaires arabes. Leiden, 1881. DCH: D. Clines. The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew. Sheffield, 1993-2011. DRS: D. Cohen. Dictionnaire des racines sémitiques. La Haye, 1976-. DSA: A. Tal. A Dictionary of Samaritan Aramaic. Leiden, 2000.

DUL: G. del Olmo Lete, J.Sanmartin. A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition. Leiden, 2003.

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EDH: W. Leslau. Etymological Dictionary of Harari. Berkeley, 1963.

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