Отношение российской эмиграции к итальянскому фашизму в межвоенной Европе: реакции, интерпретации, взаимодействия тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 00.00.00, кандидат наук Пэрна Аростеги Алехандро Пабло

• Пэрна Аростеги Алехандро Пабло
• кандидат наук
• 2026

Оглавление диссертации кандидат наук Пэрна Аростеги Алехандро Пабло

Contents

Note on transliteration and translation

Introduction

Chapter 1. Aversion to Fascism

1.1 Philo-Soviet groups and their views on Fascism

1.1.1 Nakanune, voice of smenovekhovstvo

1.1.2 Fascism on the pages of Novaia Rossiia

1.2 Views from the old left

1.2.1 Towards a theory of totalitarianism: the Menshevik position

1.2.1.1 The 'Menshevik dissidents' and Fascism

1.2.1.2 The 'official' Mensheviks: Fascism and the slow move away from the Martov Line

1.2.2 Socialist-Revolutionary views on Fascism

1.2.3 The Labour Peasant Party: criticism from a 'new' voice from the old left

1.3 The liberal opposition to Fascism

1.4 Remnants of the old regime against Fascism

1.4.1 The last Russian representative in Rome: Ivan Persiani's reports on Fascism

1.5 Summary

Chapter 2. Ambivalence towards Fascism

2.1 Ambivalence from the democratic camp

2.1.1 Vladimir Burtsev's strange bedfellows

2.1.2 The right Kadet colony in Berlin

2.2 Struve and his 'circle'

2.3 Disenchantment among monarchists: the case of Novoe Vremia

2.4 Summary

Chapter 3. Attraction (I): Fascism as a Tool

3.1 Fascism in the minds of anti-Bolshevik fighters: the ROVS and the BRP

3.1.1 The Russian military in exile and Fascism

3.1.2 The Bratstvo Russkoi Pravdy (BRP) and its philo-fascist inclinations

3.2 Renegades from the left

3.2.1 Blackshirts and Black Horse: Boris Savinkov

3.2.2 Grigorii Aleksinskii

3.3 Fascism as reaction: monarchist philo-Fascism

3.3.1 Fascism and the kirillovtsy

3.3.2 Fascism and the nikolaevtsy

3.4 Conservatives and the Fascist temptation: Vozrozhdenie after Struve

3.5 Voices of admiration

3.5.1 Dmitrii Merezhkovskii: a believer?

3.5.2 Ivan II'in: Fascism as a new aristocracy

3.5.3 Vasilii Shul'gin and monarchy in the "century of fascism"

3.6 Summary

Chapter 4. Attraction (II): Fascism as Inspiration

4.1 Looking for alternatives: the new political groups in the diaspora

4.1.1 Eurasianism

4.1.2 The mladorossy

4.1.3 Novopokolentsy: the early years of the NTS

4.2 Raising the fascist banner: Russian fascism and national socialism in Europe

4.2.1 The ubiquitous correspondent: Mikhail Pervukhin

4.2.2 Aleksandr Amfiteatrov and his Fascist ties

4.2.3 Viacheslav Novikov: a forgotten preacher of Russian fascism

4.2.4 The National Organisation of Russian Fascists (NORF)

4.2.5 Russian national socialists and their views on Fascism

4.3 Summary

Conclusion

List of sources and bibliography

Appendix

Русский перевод диссертации

Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «Отношение российской эмиграции к итальянскому фашизму в межвоенной Европе: реакции, интерпретации, взаимодействия»

Introduction

Presentation of the research problem and relevance of the topic

Unlike Germany or France, Italy did not occupy a particularly relevant place in the pre-revolutionary foreign policy of the Russian Empire, and the same was true in the opposite direction. Trade links between the two nations were comparatively much weaker, as were cultural ties. Ethnic ties, which bound significant parts of the Russian nobility and bourgeoisie to Germany, were virtually non-existent in the Italian case. Neither would Italy become a centre for the Russian emigration after the Revolution and the White defeat in the Civil War: while the émigré community in France and Germany numbered in the tens or even hundreds of thousands, the number of Russians in Italy never rose above a few thousand refugees.1 Political developments in the peninsula, however, would force Russian émigrés to follow events in the country closely.

Under the leadership of the former socialist firebrand Benito Mussolini, in the aftermath of World War I Fascism2 emerged as a movement that gathered disgruntled veterans of the conflict, Futurists, nationalists and a not insignificant number of revolutionary syndicalists, all united in their contempt for the Italian political system and the years of trasformismo, the unprincipled political horse trading that had characterised parliamentary life in the country from the late 19th century. While originally holding views that could be said to be nationalist but socially progressive, Mussolini's Fascists moved rightwards as socialist agitation, inspired by the Bolshevik experiment to the east, began to increase. Since 1919 some nationalist veterans had organised paramilitary 'action squads' (the squadre d'azione) to physically fight their opponents. These squads were quickly absorbed into Fascism and constituted the most radicalised element of the movement, which by 1920 had spread through northern Italy. Given that their oppo-

1 Claudia Scandura mentions contemporary reports giving figures ranging from 2 to 3 thousand refugees residing in Italy between 1918 and 1920. Claudia Scandura, "L'emigrazione russa in Italia: 1917-1940", Europa Orientalis 14, no. 2 (1995): 345. These numbers seem to have remained stable. An 18 March 1928 letter from Princess Zinaida Iusupova, one of the leading figures in émigré Rome, to Prince Nikolai Obolenskii, head of the chancellery of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, estimated the Russian colony in Rome at about 400 people, and the entire number of émigrés in Italy at "no more than 2000". Archive of the Dom Russkogo Zarubezh 'ia (DRZ), f. 2, op. 14, k. 14, d. 24, l. 23ob. A report cited by Oleg Bud-nitskii gives a number of 9000 for 1922 with a drop to 2500 by 1930. Oleg Vital'evich Budnitskii, "Emi-gratsiia iz Rossii (XVI-XX vv.)", in Drugaia Rossiia: Issledovaniia po istorii russkoi emigratsii (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2021), 22. Both the discrepancy and the sudden drop could be explained by Budnitskii's source lumping together refugees with a number of Russian soldiers released from Austrian imprisonment, numbering in the few thousands, that are counted separately by Scandura.

2 From here on, the term Fascism, with a capital F, will be used to refer specifically to the Italian case, while the term fascism in lowercase will be used to refer to fascism as a generic ideology as well as to other groups or movements that adopted this label or were described as such by scholars.

nents were communist and socialist activists, striking workers and, in the newly annexed regions of South Tyrol and the Adriatic coast, national minorities advocating for autonomy or even secession, it comes as no surprise that Mussolini quickly found wealthy sponsors to back him, and that his squadristi often found the authorities willing to turn a blind eye to their excesses. Launching at times veritable punitive expeditions, the Fascists managed to violently suppress socialist and communist activity, putting an end to the 1919-1920 biennio rosso (literally 'red biennium') and replacing it with a biennio nero ('black biennium'), in the process positioning themselves, by organising in 1921 as the National Fascist Party, as a viable alternative to traditional political forces.

On 28 October 1922 Mussolini's Blackshirts marched on the Italian capital, meeting little resistance. Their leader was appointed head of the government three days later. While the world watched these events unfold, the Russian diaspora was also taking notes. Most political parties and organisations discussed Fascism internally, while their official organs voiced their positions on the matter. The general émigré press, too, was quick to turn its attention to the Apennine Peninsula. Leading outlets in the capitals of Europe, such as Za Svobodu! in Warsaw, the Parisian Poslednie Novosti or the Berlin-based Rul' and Dni, hurried to publish pieces on the Fascist seizure of power. Even in the periphery of Europe the potential significance of events in Italy did not escape the attention of outlets catering to the Russian population, with the Lwow weekly Zhizn ', for instance, portraying the rise of Fascism as the emergence of a pole of opposition to communism, which employed similar methods but had different goals, and which would result in the public in countries across Europe gravitating to these two extremes, dissolving the centre.3 The Russian emigration would retain interest in this phenomenon throughout the interwar period: for some, Fascism was to become the epitome of reaction, and a movement they would object to from the very beginning; more optimistic exiles argued that this was the first major blow struck against the Bolsheviks, and perhaps even a model to imitate; others remained 'on the fence', neither committing too strongly nor criticising too harshly, but always following developments; few, if any, remained indifferent.

In focusing on the attitude of the Russian emigration to Italian Fascism, this dissertation aims to study the response of the Russian exiles to the rise of Mussolini's

3 A. Gensiorskii, "Blizhe k graniam", Zhizn ' 10, 20 November 1922, 2-3. This little-known piece provided an impartial assessment of Fascism and gave a rather prescient prognosis of the political situation of Europe. The author, young philologist Anton Ivanovich Gensiorskii, was a former privat-dotsent at the Imperial Petrograd University who would later enjoy a scholarly career in Soviet L'vov.

movement, the reactions elicited across the political spectrum of the émigré community, and the emergence of new political movements in its midst. As such, this work entails analysing these processes within the world of diaspora politics and in relation to the ideology of Fascist Italy, which saw a gradual spread across the European continent and beyond throughout the interwar period. In doing so, this study can make a valuable contribution not only to the study of the Russian emigration, by trying to reconstruct and analyse the different political groups in the interwar diaspora, or to the intellectual and political history of Russia, in trying to understand the development of some of the currents in émigré life that were influenced by Fascism; this work will also be of interest to the field of fascism studies in general: on the one hand, as a study of the reception, interpretation and analysis of Fascism by different groups within what was the largest, most organised and most politically active émigré community in Europe (and possibly in the world) at the time; on the other, specifically in the case of those groups inspired by Mussolini's regime, as a study of fascist movements within that diaspora, that is, of movements constituted entirely in exile as opposed to movements in power or, at the very least, with the possibility of developing and fighting for such power in a nation of their own.

This study also fits into recent currents in historical research. In recent decades growing attention has been paid to the interconnectedness of various far-right groups across the European continent, from Madrid to Moscow and from Reykjavik to Rome, an interest that has been likely spurred by the growing influence of these parties and movements in their respective countries.4 A practical corollary of this interest has been the development in scholarly circles of an increasingly fruitful approach to fascist studies that eschews purely national analyses in favour of a transnational focus, not only in regard to actual links between far-right organisations but also to the circulation of ideas across borders and cultures and their adaptation to different environments. The growing popularity of this new approach has led to the publication of several important works on the subject, dealing not only with contemporary issues but also attempting to trace the roots of this phenomenon and analyse its historical antecedents, focusing on the transna-

4 For some recent examples see Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2017); Marlene Laruelle, ed., Entangled Far Rights: A Russian-European Intellectual Romance in the Twentieth Century (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2018); Johannes Dafinger and Moritz Florin, eds., A Transnational History of Right-Wing Terrorism: Political Violence and the Far Right in Eastern and Western Europe since 1900 (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2022).

tional analysis of interwar fascism.5 The present dissertation hopes to join this growing trend.

Historiography on the topic

While there are large scale studies focused on the reception of Fascism in the Soviet press,6 as well as on the views held by Fascists on the Soviet Union,7 the specific topic of the émigré reception of the Fascist experiment has not been as blessed with scholarly attention.8 Nevertheless, the study of the Russian emigration in general has developed considerably in the decades following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, resulting in the existence of a reasonable corpus of general studies that paint a general picture of opinions in the diaspora, provide useful material to draw on and, in some cases, opinions to confront as well. Furthermore, due to the nature of this dissertation, academic literature on different topics will have to be consulted - on top of general works on the Russian emigration as well as on specific aspects of diaspora life, this will inevitably include literature on particular political parties or movements, and historiography on fascism.

5 See, for instance, Federico Finchelstein, Transatlantic Fascism: Ideology, Violence, and the Sacred in Argentina and Italy, 1919-1945 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010). For a collective volume written from a transnational perspective, see Arnd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe, eds., Fascism Without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945 (New York: Berghahn, 2017). Since its establishment, the journal Fascism, affiliated with the International Association for Comparative Fascist Studies, has published several articles written from a transnational perspective. See, for instance, Susanne Hohler, "Russian Fascism in Exile. A Historical and Phenomenological Perspective on Transnational Fascism", Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 12140; Jordan Kuck, "Renewed Latvia. A Case Study of the Transnational Fascism Model", Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 183-204; Aron Brouwer, "The Pan-Fascist Paradox: How Does a Nationalist-Minded Fascist Think Transnationally?", Fascism 11, no. 1 (2022): 1-30. For a review article covering a handful of recent works applying the transnational approach to the history of fascism, see Ángel Alcalde, "The Transnational Consensus: Fascism and Nazism in Current Research", Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (May 2020): 243-52.

6 Sergei Sergeevich Makulov, "Problemy vospriiatiia ital'ianskogo fashizma v sovetskoi pechati (19221941 gg.)" (PhD diss., Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO), 2019).

7 Pier Luigi Bassignana, Fascisti nelpaese dei Soviet (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 2000); Ol'ga Vladimirovna Dubrovina, V otrazhenii vraga... Predstavleniia o Sovetskoi Rossii v Italii v mezhvoennyi period (Moscow: AIRO-XXI, 2019); Jorge Dagnino, "Totalitarian Encounters: The Reception of Stalinism and the USSR in Fascist Italy, 1928-1936", Modern Intellectual History 20, no. 2 (June 2023): 438-59.

8 An exception could be an article by Nikolai Mikhalëv, "Fashistskaia ideologiia v pechati russkogo za-rubezh'ia", Mediaskop, no. 3 (2009). The study is, however, rather superficial. There is also an article in German by Claudia Weiss that gives a brief account of this reception. Claudia Weiss, "Der frühe italienische Faschismus im Blick der russischen Emigration", Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 44, no. 7 (1996): 581-92. A dissertation by Natal'ia Aliakrinskaia very partially broaches the topic when dealing with a series of articles on Italy published for the pro-Soviet Berlin daily Nakanune. Natal'ia Roal'dovna Aliakrinskaia, "Kul'tura Italii v russkoi zhurnalistike pervoi chetverti XX v." (PhD diss., Moscow State University, 2003). Liudmila Klimovich also published an article on the coverage of Italian affairs (largely meaning the Fascist regime) by the conservative Paris daily Vozrozhdenie, but the study is riddled with errors. Liudmila Valer'evna Klimovich, "Obraz Italii na stranitsakh emigrantskoi gazety «Vozrozhdenie» (1920-1930-e gg.)", Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 453 (2020): 173-78.

Regarding those works dealing with the diaspora in general, a good overview of the Russian interwar emigration can be found in Marc Raeff s already classic work, Russia Abroad, covering the settlement of émigrés in Europe as well as their academic and cultural activities.9 Nevertheless, the importance of his study for this dissertation is likely to be limited to providing a general picture of the diaspora to serve as a sort of background, given that Raeff only superficially deals with (and, in fact, largely eschews) political questions. Perhaps the opposite issue is true of the work of Leonid Shkarenkov: his book on the emigration can rightly be considered a classic as well,10 but in what could be considered typical Soviet fashion it is rather politicised in itself, leading to a rather broad use of the fascist label, which often obscures more than it enlightens. Worth mentioning here is Oleg Budnitskii's recently published collection of articles on the Russian emigration, which is not in itself a general study of the emigration but covers various topics and provides intimate sketches of several major figures in the diaspora.11 The various centres of the Russian diaspora in Europe have also been the focus of comprehensive individual works that will assist in providing context for the present dissertation.12

9 Marc Raeff, Russia Abroad: A Cultural History of the Russian Emigration, 1919-1939 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).

10 Leonid Konstantinovich Shkarenkov, Agoniia beloi emigratsii (Moscow: Mysl', 1987).

11 Oleg Vital'evich Budnitskii, Drugaia Rossiia: Issledovaniia po istorii russkoi emigratsii (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2021).

12 Prague: Catherine Andreyev and Ivan Savicky, Russia Abroad: Prague and the Russian Diaspora, 1918-1938 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004). Hungary: Aleksandr Sergeevich Stykalin and Eva Maria Varga, eds., Rossiiskaia belaia emigratsiia v Vengrii (1920-1940-e gody) (Moscow: Probel-2000, 2012). Poland: Aleksandra Andreevna Mikulënok, Rossiiskaia emigratsiia v Pol'she. Sotsial'no-ekonomicheskaia, obshchestvenno-politicheskaia i kul'turnaia deiatel'nost' 1917-1939 gg. (Saint Petersburg: Aleteiia, 2018). The Balkans: Vladislav Al'binovich Maevskii, Russkie v Iugoslavii: Vzaimoot-nosheniia Rossii i Serbii (New York: Izdanie Istoricheskogo kruzhka, 1966); Miroslav Jovanovic, Russ-kaia emigratsiia na Balkanakh. 1920-1940 (Moscow: Russkii put', 2005); Tsvetana Këseva, Bolgariia i russkaia emigratsiia 1920-1950-e gody (Moscow: Russkii put', 2008). Germany: Robert C. Williams, Culture in Exile: Russian Emigres in Germany, 1881-1941 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1972); Karl Schlogel, Berlin, Vostochnyi vokzal: russkaia emigratsiia v Germanii mezhdu dvumia voinami (1919-1945) (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2004). France: Robert Harold Johnston, "New Mecca, New Babylon": Paris and the Russian Exiles, 1920-1945 (Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988); Catherine Gousseff, Russkaia emigratsiia vo Frantsii: sotsial'naia istoriia (1920-1939 gody) (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2014). Belgium: Wim Coudenys, Zhizn 'posle tsaria. Russkie emigranti v Bel'gii, 1917-1945 (Saint Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo EUSPb, 2019). The Russian interwar emigration in Italy, particularly relevant for the present study, has not been as fortunate with general surveys, with a 1971 book by Ettore Lo Gatto dealing mostly with émigrés from an earlier period. Ettore Lo Gatto, Russi in Italia. Dal secolo XVII ad oggi (Rome: Editori Riuniti, 1971). This does not mean that it has escaped scholarly attention, being covered in a useful wide-ranging article by Claudia Scandura, cited earlier: Scandura, "L'emigrazione russa in Italia: 1917-1940". Furthermore, it has largely been the focus of a long-term research project, Russi in Italia, which maintains a website devoted to the Russian emigration in Italy. See https://www.russinitalia.it/. Last accessed 30 August 2025. This project has also led to the regular publication of collections of sources and articles on the matter under the title Archivio russo-italiano (Russo-Italian Archive). On top of this, an encyclopaedia of the Russian emigration in Italy edit-

Specific aspects of émigré life that are connected to the topic of this research have attracted the attention of academics. A recent volume published by Modest Kolerov gathers a series of articles on the intellectual field of the diaspora, including the engagement of some leading figures in the emigration with the ideas advanced by Fas-cism.13 The study of the émigré press, both general and specific to certain countries, regions, or even individual outlets, has also led to the publication of numerous scholarly works.14 Among these, particularly relevant for this dissertation are those analysing political debate in the Russian press or those outlets that served as the official organs of particular political organisations. Finnish researcher Julitta Suomela produced a survey of the political positions and debates that unfolded on the pages of the Russian émigré press in the interwar period, although her focus is on 'mainstream' newspapers of daily circulation, and even then it leaves out some of the major outlets, such as the monarchist Novoe Vremia.15 Pëtr Bazanov, one of the most prolific Russian authors on émigré matters, has produced a volume on the publishing activities of various émigré political organisations which constitutes a valuable resource, as even though it is light on analysis (perhaps owing to the author's background in library studies) it provides a relatively comprehensive overview of the numerous press organs of the Russian exiles.16 Similarly useful reference works are Vladimir Kudriavtsev' s catalogue of publications in the Russian diaspora17 and German scholar Manfred Schruba's dictionary of émigré pseu-

ed by Antonella d'Amelia and Daniela Rizzi, provides invaluable information on diaspora figures and organisations in the peninsula: Antonella d'Amelia and Daniela Rizzi, eds., Russkoe prisutstvie v Italii v pervoi polovine XXveka. Entsiklopediia (Moscow: Politicheskaia entsiklopediia, 2019). In Russia, collective volumes and conferences have also been devoted to the topic of the Russian diaspora in Italy: see Nelli Pavlovna Komolova, ed., Rossiia i Italiia. Vypusk 5: Russkaia emigratsiia v Italii v XX veke (Moscow: Nauka, 2003); Mikhail Grigor'evich Talalai, ed., Russkie v Italii: kul'turnoe nasledie emigratsii. Mezhdunarodnaia nauchnaia konferentsiia, 18-19 noiabria 2004 g. (Moscow: Russkii put', 2006).

13 Modest Alekseevich Kolerov, Vvedenie v ideinuiu istoriiu russkoi emigratsii (1917-1991) (Kaliningrad: Izdatel'stvo BFU im. Immanuila Kanta, 2024).

14 See, for instance, Pavel Aleksandrovich Tribunskii, ed., Izdatel'skoe delo rosiiskogo zarubezh 'ia (XIX-XX vv.): mezhdunarodnaia nauchno-prakticheskaia konferentsiia: sbornik (Moscow: Dom russkogo za-rubezh'ia im. Aleksandra Solzhenitsyna, 2017); Iurii Ivanovich Abyzov, A izdavalos ' eto v Rige 1918-1944: istoriko-bibliograficheskii ocherk (Moscow: Russkii put' - Biblioteka-fond «Russkoe Zarubezh'e», 2006); Oleg Anatol'evich Korostelëv and Manfred Schruba, eds., Vokrug redaktsionnogo arkhiva «Sovremennykh zapisok» (Parizh, 1920-1940): Sbornik statei i materialov (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2010).

15 Julitta Suomela, Zarubezhnaia Rossiia. Ideino-politicheskie vzgliady russkoi emigratsii na stranitsakh russkoi evropeiskoi pressy v 1918-1940 gg. (Saint Petersburg: Kolo, 2004).

16 Pëtr Nikolaevich Bazanov, Izdatel'skaia deiatel'nost politicheskikh organizatsii russkoi emigratsii (1917-1988 gg.) (Saint Petersburg: Sankt-Peterburgskii gosudarstvennyi universitet kul'tury i iskusstv, 2004).

17 Vladimir Borisovich Kudriavtsev, Periodicheskie i neperiodicheskie kollektivnye izdaniia russkogo zarubezh'ia. 1918-1941. Chast' I (Moscow: Russkii put', 2011).

donyms, invaluable in attempting to determine the authorship of works in the émigré 1 8

press.10

The political life of the diaspora has also attracted much scholarly attention. The phenomenon of smenovekhovstvo, the constitution of a group of White émigrés that called for the Russian exiles to reconcile themselves with the new Soviet regime, has been the focus of studies both in the West and in Russia.19 Such works have not, however, dwelled on this current's attitude to Fascism.20 Pre-revolutionary groups continued their work abroad and many harboured high hopes for a return to their homeland, which led them to maintain a high level of organisation and activity. On the left, the SR 'colony' in Prague has been analysed by Elizabeth White, who describes the ways in which the Prague SRs attempted to constitute a pole of opposition to the Bolsheviks while remaining true to their socialist convictions.21 In doing so, they had to position themselves vis-à-vis Fascism, and while this is not White's main concern, she argues that even though their initial position was to present the Soviet Union as comparable to the emerging fascist experiments in Europe, they eventually came to see fascism as far more dangerous than the Bolsheviks, leading some SRs to argue for acceptance and even support for the USSR as a force capable of stopping it. An offshoot of the SRs, the Trudovaia Krestianskaia Partiia (Peasant Labour Party, acronym TKP), has been the focus of a dissertation by Mikhail Sokolov.22 The group, more willing than their erstwhile comrades to collaborate with forces to their right, would nevertheless remain a steadfast opponent of both Bolshevism and fascism, and Sokolov's analysis of TKP press shows how during the late 1930s the organisation was vocally critical of all varieties of this ideology. The Mensheviks, too, have been the focus of several studies. In the 1970s Leopold Haimson put together a collective volume on this party after the Revolu-

18 Manfred Schruba, Slovar' psevdonimov russkogo zarubezh 'ia v Evrope (1917-1945) (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2018).

19 Robert C. Williams, "'Changing Landmarks' in Russian Berlin, 1922-1924", Slavic Review 27, no. 4 (1968): 581-593. This group is also dealt with extensively in Andrei Vladimirovich Kvakin, Mezhdu belymi i krasnymi. Russkaia intelligentsiia 1920-1930 godov v poiskakh Tret'ego Puti (Moscow: Tsen-trpoligraf, 2006). The most complete work on this current remains Hilde Hardeman, Coming to Terms with the Soviet Regime: The "Changing Signposts" Movement among Russian Émigrés in the Early 1920s (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1994).

20 An exception could be a 2000 dissertation focused on the case of Harbin, a matter beyond the scope of this dissertation. See Organa Dorzhuevna Natsak, "Smenovekhovstvo i 'russkii fashizm' kak ideino-politicheskie fenomeny (po materialam russkoi emigratsii v Kharbine v 20-30 gg. XX v.)" (PhD diss., Russian Academy of Public Administration under the President of the Russian Federation, 2000).

21 Elizabeth White, The Socialist Alternative to Bolshevik Russia: The Socialist Revolutionary Party, 1921-1939 (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2011).

22 Mikhail Vladimirovich Sokolov, "«Krest'ianskaia Rossiia» - Trudovaia-krest'ianskaia partiia: soz-danie, etapy razvitiia, mekhanizm funktsionirovaniia (1920-1953 g.)" (PhD diss., Russian State University for the Humanities, 2011).

tion, in collaboration with several members that had migrated to the United States.23 Given the fact that its main source are interviews and memoirs by participants, one should be careful not to take everything at face value, but nevertheless the collection provides useful information on the Menshevik leadership during the interwar period. The work of André Liebich, more recent, is also invaluable in understanding the intellectual and political development of the exiled Mensheviks.24 Of course, the study of émigré Menshevism is not limited to the West, and post-Soviet Russia also saw the publication of significant studies on this group.25 Deserving of mention as well are the collections of Menshevik documents published since the end of the 1990s, which are also of great value when it comes to understanding the party's development in emigration.26

Moving rightwards along the political spectrum, the activities of the Kadet party in emigration have been covered in several dissertations and monographic studies, and although none have focused specifically on their attitude towards fascism, given the centrality of this issue in interwar Europe, at least passing commentary on the positions on the matter held by different sections of the party, as well as of individual leading Kadets, can be found in general works on the liberal emigration.27 Russian émigré mon-archism, particularly its more radical branches, has also been extensively analysed, both

23 Leopold H. Haimson, ed., The Mensheviks: From the Revolution of 1917 to the Second World War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974).

24 André Liebich, From the Other Shore: Russian Social Democracy after 1921 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). Liebich has also pointed out the Menshevik influence in the development of the theory of totalitarianism. André Liebich, "Marxism and Totalitarianism: Rudolf Hilferding and the Mensheviks", Kennan Institute Occasional Paper Series #217 (Washington, D. C.: Woodrow Wilson International Center, 1987).

25 Al'bert Pavlovich Nenarokov, Pravyi men 'shevizm. Prozreniia rossiiskoi sotsial-demokratii (Moscow: Novyi khronograf, 2011); Il'ia Khanukaevich Urilov, Istoriia rossiiskoi sotsial-demokratii (men 'shevizma). Ch. 7: Men 'sheviki v sovetskoi Rossii i poslednei emigratsii. 1920-1960 gg. (Moscow: Sobranie, 2017).

26 Ziva Galili and Al'bert Pavlovich Nenarokov, eds., Men'sheviki v bol'shevistskoi Rossii 1918-1924. Men 'sheviki v 1918 g. (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 1999); Ziva Galili and Al'bert Pavlovich Nenarokov, eds., Men'sheviki v bol'shevistskoi Rossii 1918-1924. Men'sheviki v 1919-1920 gg. (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2000); Ziva Galili and Al'bert Pavlovich Nenarokov, eds., Men'sheviki v bol'shevistskoi Rossii 19181924. Men 'sheviki v 1921-1922 gg. (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2002); Ziva Galili and Al'bert Pavlovich Nenarokov, eds., Men 'sheviki v bol 'shevistskoi Rossii 1918-1924. Men 'sheviki v 1922-1924 gg. (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2004); André Liebich and Al'bert Pavlovich Nenarokov, eds., Men'sheviki v emigratsii. Protokoly Zagranichnoi Delegatsii RSDRP. 1922-1951 gg. Ch. 1 (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2010); André Liebich and Al'bert Pavlovich Nenarokov, eds., Men 'sheviki v emigratsii. Protokoly Zagranichnoi Delegatsii RSDRP. 1922-1951 gg. Ch. 2 (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2010).

27 Aleksandr Ivanovich Sperkach, "Kadetskaia emigratsiia v Germanii, 1920-1931 gg." (PhD diss., Russian State University for the Humanities, 1998); Pavel Andreevich Borodin, "Organizatsiia i ideologiia kadetov v emigratsii v 1920-1930-e gg." (PhD diss., Moscow State University, 2000); Natal'ia Aleksan-drovna Ëkhina, "Transformatsiia politicheskikh pozitsii kadetskoi intelligentsii v 1917 - pervoi polovine 1930-kh gg." (PhD diss., Moscow State University, 2012); Valentin Valentinovich Shelokhaev, Konsti-tutsionno-demokraticheskaia partiia v Rossii i emigratsii (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2015); Dinah L. Jansen, "After October: Russian Liberalism as a 'Work in Progress,' 1919-1945" (PhD diss., Queen's University, 2015).

in group studies as well as in biographical analyses of some of their main figures.28 Such studies often touch upon the attraction that Russian monarchists at times experienced towards fascism, but especially in Russian works the term fascism (fashizm) is frequently used interchangeably with, or instead of, Nazism; indeed, many of these works centre mostly on the relationship with Hitler's government in the 1930s or even during World War II, which is not the focus of this dissertation. It is nevertheless worth mentioning that Michael Kellogg devotes to Russian monarchists a substantial part of his book on the influence exerted by Russian émigrés on the rise of Nazism.29 While Kellogg's work is in several aspects fatally flawed (the author not only overplays his hand by exaggerating the role of Russian exiles, but this term in itself is something he struggles to define properly, mixing together 'actual' Russian exiles with Ukrainian nationalists and with Baltic Germans who felt no attachment to the old Empire and instead were faithful servants of the Reich), it includes some useful analysis of the ideological tenets of monarchist organisations, in particular those aligned with Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich (self-professed 'legitimists', also known as kirillovtsy). While, again, this dissertation is not concerned with the specificities of the relationship between the emigration and Nazism, some of the factors that these émigrés found attractive in the German movement in the early 1920s were valid for the Italian one as well.

In the world of Russian émigrés there were also individuals who were not members of any single group in the emigration but played an active role in the political and intellectual (even ideological) life of the diaspora. In such a capacity they at times en-

28 Oleg Olegovich Baskakov, "Ideologiia russkoi monarkhicheskoi emigratsii 20-30-kh godov XX veka" (PhD diss., Moscow State University, 1999); Aleksandr Nikolaevich Varaksa, "Ideia monarkhii v politicheskoi mysli Russkogo zarubezh'ia (1920-1940 gg.)" (PhD diss., Saint Petersburg State University, 2003); Aleksandr Vladimirovich Serëgin, "Monarkhicheskie organizatsii russkoi emigratsii v Evrope v 1919-1933 godakh. Struktura. Ideologiia. Deiatel'nost'" (PhD diss., Moscow Pedagogical State University, 2010); Andrei Aleksandrovich Ivanov, Vozhd' chërnoi reaktsii: Nikolai Evgen'evich Markov (Saint Petersburg: Vladimir Dal', 2023). To these one can add a recent study by Fabian Baumann, which deals extensively with the well-known monarchist figure of Vasilii Shul'gin (studied in parallel with his relative, Ukrainian nationalist Aleksandr Shul'gin [Oleksandr Shul'hyn]). Fabian Baumann, Dynasty Divided: A Family History of Russian and Ukrainian Nationalism (Ithaca: Northern Illinois University Press, 2023).

29 Michael Kellogg, The Russian Roots of Nazism: White Émigrés and the Making of National Socialism, 1917-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). The book was subjected to strong criticism by some reviewers. See, for instance, Igor' Martyniuk, "Transfer ili komparativ? Rossiiskaia rodoslovnaia natsizma", review of The Russian Roots of Nazism: White Émigrés and the Making of National Socialism, 1917-1945, by Michael Kellogg, Ab Imperio, no. 3 (2006): 510-20; Oleg Budnitskii, Review of The Russian Roots of Nazism: White Émigrés and the Making of National Socialism, 1917-1945, by Michael Kellogg, Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 8, no. 1 (2007): 190-200. From the perspective of fascist studies, it also came under fire from Roger Griffin. See Roger Griffin, Review of The Russian Roots of National Socialism: White Émigrés and the Making of National Socialism, 1917-1945, by Michael Kellogg, The Slavonic and East European Review 85, no. 2 (2007): 358-60.

gaged with Fascism as a movement, as a regime, and as an ideology. Among these figures one can count, for instance, Vladimir Burtsev, a seasoned revolutionary, editor and journalist who was nevertheless an irreconcilable enemy of the Bolsheviks. Hardly an unknown figure, he is the subject of a relatively recent biographical work.30 Unfortunately, even if understandably, its author tells us nothing of Burtsev's attitude towards Fascism. Also worth mentioning is Boris Savinkov, a former leading SR, terrorist, and junior minister in the Provisional Government. Savinkov has been the focus of several studies, and while his flirtation with Fascism shortly before his death can be considered as being but a small chapter in his life, it is an aspect that has often (and rightfully so) been discussed in scholarly literature.31 Another figure that should be included here is that of Pëtr Struve, one of the leading intellectual lights of pre-revolutionary Russia, a politically engaged economist who moved consistently rightward from an initial left-wing, Marxist position, being firmly in the conservative camp by the time of his emigration. Remaining active as editor, journalist and lecturer while in exile, Struve's views on Fascism have also been analysed by scholars, with the author of his 'standard' biography, Richard Pipes, perhaps giving too benevolent an assessment of his attitude towards Mussolini's movement,32 while the recent work by Modest Kolerov mentioned earlier goes too far in the opposite direction, exaggerating his Fascist sympathies.33 Deserving of mention within this category is also the figure of philosopher Ivan Il'in, another very active intellectual in the diaspora. Moving from academic philosopher to émigré publicist, he would settle in Germany before leaving the country in the late 1930s in bad terms with Hitler's regime. Despite this falling out, Il'in's interest in and attraction to Fascism (and fascism) is not in question.34

30 Robert Henderson, Vladimir Burtsev and the Struggle for a Free Russia: A Revolutionary in the Time of Tsarism and Bolshevism (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017).

31 Probably the first full-scale biography of Savinkov was that written by Richard Spence back in 1991. Richard B. Spence, Boris Savinkov: Renegade on the Left (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1991). Spence points out Savinkov's interest in Fascism, as well as that of some members of his entourage, mostly through the analysis of his correspondence. Not long after the publication of this monograph, a set of letters between Savinkov and Aleksandr Amfiteatrov, discussing potential Fascist assistance for an attack on the USSR, was published. Elda Garetto, Aleksandr Iosifovich Dobkin, and Dmitrii Isaevich Zubarev, eds., "Amfiteatrov i Savinkov: perepiska 1923-1924", Minuvshee: Istoricheskii al'manakh 13 (1993): 73-158. Savinkov's attitude towards Fascism continues to interest scholars, with Gary Saul Morson, reviewing a recent study of the former terrorist, highlighting Savinkov's interest in this (at the time) new ideology. Gary Saul Morson, "Falling in Love with Terror", The New York Review of Books, 13 January 2022. Last accessed 30 August 2025. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2022/01/13/falling-in-love-with-terror/.

32 Richard Pipes, Struve: Liberal on the Right, 1905-1944 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), 413.

33 See Kolerov, Vvedenie v ideinuiu istoriiu, 288, 313.

34 For studies on Il'in covering this topic, on top of Kolerov's work, who also provides a damning assessment of Il'in's infatuation with Fascism, see Hartmut Rüdiger Peter, "Ivan Il'in i fashizm",

While not political in a party sense, military and combat organisations abroad could also be included among such groups, as they played a political role during the early years of the emigration, and in doing so they had to position themselves in regard to Fascism. Paul Robinson's work on the Russian army in exile, largely centred on the Russian General Military Union (usually known as ROVS, acronym of Russkii Ob-shche-Voinskii Soiuz), engages directly with the issue of the attitude of officers towards fascism, concluding that while many found it very attractive in its different variants, comparatively few officers actually joined fascist parties or movements. At the same time, organisations such as the ROVS also failed to establish a political programme of their own (whether inspired by fascism or not), something he puts down to a strong (and far from purely pragmatic) commitment to nepredreshenchestvo (' non-predetermination') on the part of these military cadres.35 Robinson's work hardly stands alone in telling the history of the military emigration, which remains one of the most popular topics in émigré studies.36 Such works do not always deal with their political views, however, and are sometimes tinted by sympathy for these military exiles.

Besides the organisations directly tied to the former Imperial Russian and White armed forces, it is worth mentioning here a self-professed combat organisation of the Russian diaspora, the Bratstvo Russkoi Pravdy ('Brotherhood of Russian Truth', BRP). The group emerged already in the diaspora, but its methods, ideas and goals were strongly linked to the world of pre-revolutionary Russia. While the question of its strength and activities remains controversial, with some authors, most notably Oleg

Al 'ternativy, no. 4 (2012): 120-24; Hanus Nykl, "Ivan Ilyin: Fascist or Ideologue of the White Movement Utopia?", Studies in East European Thought 77, no. 2 (2025): 351-73.

35 Paul Robinson, The White Russian Army in Exile, 1920-1941 (Oxford: Clarendon Press - Oxford University Press, 2002), 182.

36 Vladislav Ivanovich Goldin, Russkoe voennoe zarubezh 'e vXXveke (Arkhangelsk: Solti, 2007); Vladislav Ivanovich Goldin, Soldaty na chuzhbine: Russkii Obshche-Voinskii Soiuz, Rossiia i Russkoe Zarubezh 'e v XX-XXI vekakh (Russkii Obshche-Voinskii Soiuz, 2011); Sergei Vladimirovich Volkov, Russkaia voennaia emigratsiia: izdatel'skaia deiatel'nost' (Moscow: Pashkov dom, 2008); Aleksandr Valentinovich Tolochko, "Russkaia voenno-morskaia emigratsiia: politicheskie orientatsii i deiatel'nost' v mezhvoennyi period, 1920-1941 gg." (PhD diss., Perm State National Research University, 2011); Konstantin Konstantinovich Semënov, Russkaia armiia na chuzhbine. Drama voennoi emigratsii. 1920-1945 gg. (Moscow: Veche, 2019); Vladimir Grigor'evich Meingardt, "Korpus imperatorskikh armii i flota. Kratkii istoricheskii ocherk", in Ocherki po istorii russkoi voennoi emigratsii (Moscow: Kvadriga, 2020), 11-55; Kirill Mikhailovich Aleksandrov, Voina i mir Russkogo Zarubezh 'ia. Issledovaniia i materialy po istorii voenno-politicheskoi emigratsii (Moscow: Posev, 2022). A more political analysis of a key figure in the military emigration, General Aleksei Aleksandrovich von Lampe, has been written by Giovanni Savino. Giovanni Savino, "From the White Armies to Nazi Collaboration: Alexei von Lampe (1885-1967)", IERES Occasional Papers, No. 7 (Washington, D. C. : Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, The George Washington University, 2020). Oleg Beyda has recently published a work on the remnants of the White military during the Second World War that also touches on the topic of their relationship with fascism, even if it largely deals with its German variety. See Oleg Beyda, For Russia with Hitler: White Russian Émigrés and the German-Soviet War (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2024).

Budnitskii, arguing that it was largely a "literary project" with no actual influence beyond the pages of their publications,37 the already mentioned Bazanov, on the contrary, posits that it was a very real organisation that steadfastly opposed Bolshevism and carried out an active opposition campaign on several fronts, including sabotage, terrorism, and cross-border raids.38 While Budnitskii's position is too harsh on the organisation, Bazanov, unfortunately, often takes the BRP's claims at face value and therefore greatly exaggerates its actual power and role in the anti-Bolshevik struggle. What every scholar who studied the BRP does accept is the organisation's very active propaganda efforts; unfortunately, however, not much has been discussed in the academic literature about the group's attitude towards Fascism. This is to be lamented, as their affinity towards this ideology was evident, and (in contrast with scholarly circles) this fact has not escaped the attention of fringe far-right groups and individuals in modern Russia.39

The post-revolutionary movements that emerged in the Russian emigration have attracted extensive scholarly attention. Walter Laqueur devotes part of his general study on Russian right-wing extremism to the ideology of émigré movements, including soli-darism, the eclectic ideas of the mladorossy, and the projects of Russian émigré fascists.40 His treatment of the subject is, however, not particularly deep and likely influenced by 'presentism': published shortly after the fall of the Soviet Union, Laqueur wrote with contemporary concerns (namely the growth of the Russian far right) in mind rather than focusing on the historical study of these phenomena in itself. A much more recent work by Pëtr Bazanov also provides an overview of several post-revolutionary movements, dealing with their attitudes towards fascism in the process.41 The book is, unfortunately, marred by several flaws. On the one hand, its eminently descriptive rather than analytical nature is disappointing, and it is plagued by factual mistakes that

37 Oleg Vital'evich Budnitskii, "«Kommunistov bei ty vraz!»: Bratstvo Russkoi Pravdy — poslednii liter-aturnyi proekt S. A. Sokolova-Krechetova", in Drugaia Rossiia: Issledovaniia po istorii russkoi emi-gratsii (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2021), 285-330. This is a reprint with minor modifications of his "Bratstvo Russkoi Pravdy — poslednii literaturnyi proekt S. A. Sokolova-Krechetova", Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, no. 6 (64) (2003): 114-43.

38 Pëtr Nikolaevich Bazanov, Bratstvo Russkoi Pravdy: samaia zagadochnaia organizatsiia Russkogo Zarubezh 'ia (Moscow: Posev, 2013).

39 See, for instance, the laudatory comments in right-wing fora on the organisation and its main figures quoted in Nikolai Alekseevich Bogomolov, "Sergei Krechetov mezhdu literaturoi i politikoi", Russian Literature 92 (2017): 87.

40 Walter Laqueur, Black Hundred: The Rise of the Extreme Right in Russia (New York: Harper Collins, 1993). Of particular relevance are chapters 3, on the diffusion of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion by émigrés, and chapter 6, on Fascism and the emergence of far-right groups in the diaspora.

41 Pëtr Nikolaevich Bazanov, Tsar ' i Sovety. Russkaia emigratsiia v bor 'be za rossiiskuiu gosudarstven-nost': politicheskaia i izdatel'skaia deiatel'nost' (Saint Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo RKhGA, 2022). The author even attempts a brief, and not particularly convincing, classification of movements according to their attitude towards fascism (pp. 17-18).

contradict his own previous research. Worse yet, he provides wrong references and misinterprets sources for some of his more controversial arguments. Still, Bazanov's work does provide a basic outline of many relatively minor, but nevertheless interesting, groups in the diaspora.

Eurasianism is possibly the most analysed of the post-revolutionary movements, its study going back decades and enjoying a revival of sorts in recent years, likely because of the emergence and development of a late Soviet and post-Soviet intellectual and political current labelled neo-Eurasianism.42 While the latter phenomenon is clearly out of the scope of the present research, there is a lively discussion about the relationship between original Eurasianism and fascist movements (a debate that existed among contemporaries as well): Sergei Glebov, for instance, argues that it rightly belongs on the fascist spectrum,43 while Martin Beisswenger maintains that similarities are deceiving and that ultimately some of its philosophical underpinnings set it apart from such movements;44 if anything, a more accurate analogy, in his view, would be the intellectuals associated with the Conservative Revolution in Germany.45

Another organisation of the period that has contemporary relevance, albeit minimal, are the solidarists of the Narodno-Trudovoi Soiuz (translations of the name vary, but it is usually referred to by the acronym NTS), originally founded as the Natsion-al'nyi soiuz russkoi molodezhi za rubezhom (National Alliance of Russian Youth

42 Among the many works on this group see Nicholas Riasanovsky, "The Emergence of Eurasianism", California Slavic Studies 4 (1967): 39-72; Ilya Vinkovetsky, "Classical Eurasianism and Its Legacy", Canadian-American Slavic Studies 34, no. 2 (2000): 125-39; Svetlana Rusnak, "N. V. Ustrialov i evrazi-itsy", Revue des Études Slaves 73, no. 2 (2001): 317-35; Mark Bassin, "'Classical' Eurasianism and the Geopolitics of Russian Identity", Ab Imperio, no. 2 (2003): 257-66; Dmitry Shlapentokh, ed., Russia Between East and West: Scholarly Debates on Eurasianism (Leiden - Boston: Brill, 2007); Marlène Laruelle, Russian Eurasianism: An Ideology of Empire (Washington D. C. : Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008); Leonid Mikhailovich Liuks, "Evraziistvo i konservativnaia revoliutsiia: soblazn antiza-padnichestva v Rossii i Germanii", Forum noveishei vostochnoevropeiskoi istorii i kul 'tury, no. 2 (2009): 5-22; Mijail Malishev, Boris Emelianov and Manuela Sepúlveda Garza, "Euroasiatismo: Oriente versus Occidente", in Ensayos sobre filosofía de la historia rusa (México D. F.: Plaza y Valdés, 2013), 173-199; Mark Bassin, Sergey Glebov, and Marlène Laruelle, eds., Between Europe and Asia: The Origins, Theories, and Legacies of Russian Eurasianism (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015); Mark Bassin and Gonzalo Pozo, eds., The Politics of Eurasianism: Identity, Popular Culture and Russia's Foreign Policy (London: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2017); Rustem Rinatovich Vakhitov, Evraziistvo: Logos. Eidos. Simvol. Mif (Saint Petersburg: Vladimir Dal', 2023).

43 Sergey Glebov, From Empire to Eurasia: Politics, Scholarship, and Ideology in Russian Eurasianism, 1920s-1930s. (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2017), 72-75.

44 Martin Beisswenger, "Eurasianism: Affirming the Person in the 'Era of Faith,'" in A History of Russian Philosophy, 1830-1930: Faith, Reason and the Defense of Human Dignity, ed. Gary M. Hamburg and Randall A. Poole (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 363-80.

45 Martin Beisswenger, "«Konservativnaia revoliutsiia» v Germanii i dvizhenie evraziitsev: tochki so-prikosnoveniia", Forum noveishei vostochnoevropeiskoi istorii i kul'tury, no. 2 (2009): 23-40; Martin Beisswenger, "A Failed Alliance: The Eurasianist Movement and the German Conservative Revolution in the Early 1930s", in Entangled Far Rights: A Russian-European Intellectual Romance in the Twentieth Century, ed. Marlene Laruelle (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2018), 61-82.

Abroad, Russian acronym NSRM) in 1930, itself the merger of two smaller youth groups. Given the fact that the NTS was active not only in the interwar period but also had ties with General Andrei Vlasov's collaborationist army during the Second World War, as well as cooperating with Western intelligence and propaganda services during the Cold War, some interesting studies on this group focus on matters beyond the scope of this dissertation.46 Nevertheless, the earlier activities of the group have also been the focus of scholarly attention from both Western and Russian scholars.47 The fact that its activity, to a degree, extends to this day, has also translated into the existence of significant testimonies from their members that can be useful for an analysis of the period under study, provided they are used with caution, as many of these works were written with political considerations in mind, namely attempts to justify or water down the NTS's interest in fascism during the interwar period as well as its collaborationism with Nazism during World War II.48

The mladorossy, for their part, have also managed to attract the interest of specialists. Established as a 'legitimist' youth organisation named Young Russia [Molodaia Rossiia] under the leadership of Aleksandr Kazem-Bek, with time they developed quite peculiar views combining monarchist, fascist and even socialist elements. This eclecticism has understandably drawn the attention of a number of scholars both Russian and Western, resulting in the publication of several works ranging from the properly aca-

46 For example, the coverage of the NTS in Catherine Andreyev, Vlasov and the Russian Liberation Movement: Soviet Reality and Émigré Theories (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Benjamin Tromly, Cold War Exiles and the CIA: Plotting to Free Russia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019). There is a recent German-language monograph on this group, although most of the attention is centred on events beyond the chronological framework established for this dissertation. See Matthias Vetter, "Wir bringen den Tyrannen den Tod": die russische Exilorganisation NTS im Kampf mit der Sowjetunion (Berlin: Metropol, 2023).

47 On top of a section devoted to the NTS in Laqueur's aforementioned work, significant research on the NTS has been conducted by Liudmila Klimovich, published in a series of articles and ultimately constituting a major part of his doctoral (doktorskaia) dissertation. See Liudmila Valer'evna Klimovich, "Mo-lodoe pokolenie rossiiskoi emigratsii v stranakh Evropy v 1920-1930-e gg." (Doctoral [doktorskaia] diss., Ul'ianovsk State Pedagogical University, 2022). Some space is also devoted to this organisation in Sergei Vladimirovich Karpenko, ed., Mezhdu Rossiei i Stalinym: rossiiskaia emigratsiia i Vtoraia mirovaia voina (Moscow: RGGU, 2004).

48 Sergei Levitsky, "The Ideology of NTS", The Russian Review 31, no. 4 (1972): 398-405; Boris Vi-tal'evich Prianishnikov, Novopokolentsy (Silver Spring (Maryland), 1986); Arkadii Petrovich Stolypin, Na sluzhbe Rossii. Ocherki po istorii NTS (Frankfurt am Main: Posev, 1986); NTS. Mysl' i delo. 1930-2000 (Moscow: Posev, 2000); Viktor Mikhailovich Baidalakov, Da vozvelichitsia Rossiia. Da gibnut nashi ime-na... Vospominaniia predsedatelia NTS 1930-1960 gg. (Moscow: Avuar Konsalting, 2002); Lev Aleksan-drovich Rar and Valerian Aleksandrovich Obolenskii, Rannye gody (1924-1948): Ocherk istorii Narodno-Trudovogo Soiuza (Moscow: Posev, 2003); Valerii Anatol'evich Senderov, ed. Ot zarubezh 'ia do Moskvy. Narodno-Trudovoi Soiuz (NTS) v vospominaniiakh i dokumentakh 1924-2014 (Moscow: Posev, 2014).

demic to the essayistic.49 While some of these studies take the organisation seriously in their analysis, there has often been a marked tendency to portray the ties of the Young Russians to fascism as mere imitation in terms of appearance and behaviour. It will be argued here that this is a reductionist view of the matter.

Last but certainly not least, within the spectrum of the post-revolutionary organisations in the Russian diaspora one must include those movements in the emigration that constituted themselves explicitly under the fascist label. The post-revolutionary character of fascism has been quite aptly formulated by Vittorio Strada, who argued that rather than being counterrevolutionary or reactionary, "that is, hostile to the primary and fundamental revolution of the 20th century that was the communist one, fascism is post-revolutionary, that is, successive (not only chronologically but also ideologically) to that revolution, symmetrical and alternative to it, as well as alternative and antithetical to liberal democracy."50 Indeed, Russian fascists, too, advocated not for restoration but for a revolution of their own. Outside the Soviet Union the phenomenon of Russian fascism has been studied already from the 1960s, with early works on the topic being published in Europe, North America and even in Latin America.51 These focused mostly on movements outside Europe, that is, outside the geographical scope of this dissertation, and are also by now quite dated. Furthermore, John Stephan's monograph stresses the farcical character of Russian fascism, seeing it as almost a parody of the classical examples of Fascism and Nazism instead of viewing some of its particularities as part of a process of reworking and adaptation of ideas and concepts in order to make them suitable for new contexts. It is worth mentioning here that Italian scholars have also interested themselves in the phenomenon of Russian fascism, with the aforementioned Strada co-authoring a book on fascism with Russian historian Sergei Kuleshov,52 Stefano Gar-

49 See Nicholas Hayes, "Kazem-Bek and the Young Russians' Revolution", Slavic Review 39, no. 2 (1980): 255-68. The already mentioned works by Laqueur and Bazanov (in fact, the slogan "Tsar and soviets" was widely used by the mladorossy) devote space to the ideas of the group. Klimovich, too, dedicates a large part of her above-cited dissertation to this organisation. See also Mireille Massip's biography of Kazem-Bek: Mireille Massip, Istina — doch' vremeni. Aleksandr Kazem-Bek i russkaia emi-gratsiia na Zapade (Moscow: Iazyki slavianskoi kul'tury, 2010). Viktor Kosik, for his part, has written a book on the group, less scholarly than it is essayistic. Viktor Ivanovich Kosik, «Molodaia Rossiia»: Vari-atsii na temu natsionalizma v marshakh epokhi (Moscow, 2013).

50 Vittorio Strada, "Totalitarismo e storia", in Il fascismo russo, by Sergej Kulesov and Vittorio Strada (Venice: Marsilio, 1998), 62.

51 Erwin Oberländer, "The All-Russian Fascist Party", Journal of Contemporary History 1, no. 1 (1966): 158-73; Jorge Lozoya, "El fascismo ruso en Manchuria", Estudios Orientales 3, no. 3 (8) (1968): 27594; John J. Stephan, The Russian Fascists: Tragedy and Farce in Exile, 1925-1945 (New York: Harper and Row, 1978).

52 Sergej Kulesov and Vittorio Strada, Il fascismo russo (Venice: Marsilio, 1998). The work contains individual essays from both historians as well as a series of sources on the topic translated into Italian.

zonio publishing and periodically updating an article on the relationship between Italian and Russian fascism as an "invitation" to further research,53 and Cesare De Michelis writing a short piece on a Russo-Italian Fascist.54 Their contributions have helped add depth to our picture of this movement.

While Russian fascists were already mentioned by Leonid Shkarenkov in his pioneering survey of the Russian emigration, they were (understandably) not dealt with in any depth.55 The fall of the USSR, however, resulted in the appearance of studies on these movements by authors in the post-Soviet space. Svetlana Onegina authored a dissertation on Russian fascism within the context of Russian nationalism. The work, however, is unavailable.56 Studies on this topic, previously out of bounds, quickly multiplied, usually, but not exclusively, focusing on fascists in Manchuria.57 Nevertheless, the study of Russian fascism has continued to develop, with 2011 seeing the publication of a collective volume on the relationship between the emigration and fascism that dealt with exiles in Europe, Australia and South America.58 It should be pointed out that, while the work of Aleksandr Okorokov on Russian fascism, published in the early

53 Stefano Garzonio, "Russkii i ital'ianskii fashizm. Materialy k teme", Europa Orientalis 22, no. 2 (2003): 273-87; Stefano Garzonio, "K istorii russkogo fashizma: neraskrytaia lichnost' teoretika", in Russkaia emigratsiia - literatura, istoriia, kinoletopis': materialy mezhdunarodnoi konferentsii, Tallinn, 12-14 sentiabria 2002, ed. Vladimir Il'ich Khazan, Irina Zakharovna Belobrovtseva, and Sergei Nikolaevich Dotsenko (Jerusalem - Moscow - Tallinn: Gesharim - Mosty kul'tury - Tallinskii pedagogicheskii universitet, 2004), 138-45; Stefano Garzonio, "Russkii i ital'ianskii fashizm. Materialy k teme", in Stat'ipo russkoipoezii i kul'tureXXveka (Moscow: Vodolei, 2006), 264-82; Stefano Garzonio, "Russkii i ital'ianskii fashizm v emigrantskoi publitsistike 1920-kh-1930-kh godov", in Die russische Diaspora in Europa im 20. Jahrhundert: Religiöses und kulturelles Leben, ed. Adelbert J. M. Davids and Fedor B. Poljakov (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2008), 249-70.

54 Cesare G. De Michelis, "Lino Cappuccio, un caso italo-russo", in Russkaia emigratsiia v Italii: zhurnaly, izdaniia, arkhivy (1900-1940) / Emigrazione russa in Italia: periodici, editoria e archivi (1900-1940), ed. Stefano Garzonio and Bianca Sulpasso (Salerno: Europa Orientalis, 2015), 23-30. De Michelis is also the author of several works on the far right and antisemitism in Russia and in the emigration, which touch on the topic of this dissertation. See, for instance, Il manoscritto inesistente: i "Protocolli dei savi di Sion": un apocrifo del XX secolo (Venice: Marsilio, 1998); La giudeofobia in Russia: dal Libro del kahal ai Protocolli dei savi di Sion (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 2001).

55 Shkarenkov, Agoniia beloi emigratsii,148-150.

56 Svetlana Viktorovna Onegina, "Porevoliutsionnye politicheskie dvizheniia rossiiskoi emigratsii 19251945 gg. Varianty rossiiskoi gosudarstvennoi doktriny" (PhD diss., Institute of Russian History RAS, 1997). Only the avtoreferat of the dissertation is available, with the main text not listed in online catalogues nor present in the dissertations department of the Russian State Library at Khimki. It is possible that the reproduction of 'extremist' material in the dissertation resulted in access to the work being restricted and it being delisted from databases.

57 Nadezhda Evgen' evna Ablova, "Rossiiskaia fashistskaia partiia v Man' chzhurii", Belorusskii zhurnal mezhdunarodnogo prava i mezhdunarodnykh otnoshenii, no. 2 (1999): 58-61; Vladimir Mikhailovich Nedbaevskii, "Dukhovnye i organizatsionnye proiavleniia fashizma v srede rossiiskoi emigratsii v Ger-manii", Novyi istoricheskii vestnik, no. 2 (2000): 31-44; Viktor Alekseevich Boikov, "Russkie fashistskie gruppy v Estonii (1930-e gg.)", Trudy Russkogo Issledovatel'skogo Tsentra v Estonii 2 (2003): 70-120; Rafail Sholomovich Ganelin, "Ot chernosotenstva k fashizmu", in Ad hominem: pamiati Nikolaia Giren-ko, ed. Valentin Fedorovich Vydrin et al. (Saint Petersburg: MAE RAN, 2005), 243-72.

58 Vadim Iur'evich Zhukov, ed., Russkaia emigratsiia i fashizm: stat'i i vospominaniia (Saint Petersburg: SPbGASU, 2011).

2000s,59 is very often cited when dealing with this topic, and it cannot be ignored in any project dealing with Russian fascism, it has to be viewed with certain reservations: Okorokov's scholarship is, at times, lacking in rigour,60 and he has also engaged in blatant plagiarism.61 Nevertheless, his book made some previously obscure source materials known and accessible to the wider scholarly community as well as to the general public, which in itself is a service to the study of Russian fascism.

A final comment should be made in regard to existing research on the internationalisation of Fascism. Major works on the topic of Mussolini's attempt to craft an (institutionalised) alliance of fascist movements exist since the early 1970s, in the form of Michael Ledeen's Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International.62 While Ledeen's work is somewhat dated, more recent studies on the topic can be found, such as an article by Luca de Caprariis on the Fasci italiani all'estero (Italian Fasci abroad),63 and a monograph by Marco Cuzzi devoted to the main 'internationalist' organisation set up by Mussolini's Italy, the Comitati d'azione per l'universalité de Roma (Committees of Action for the Universality of Rome, usually referred to by the acronym CAUR).64 None of the three works, however, touch on the matter of Russian émigrés in any significant capacity. Nevertheless, this does not mean that contacts did not exist, nor does it make previous research useless for the purposes of this dissertation - if anything, those studies stress the international goals and character of the Fascist vision. Furthermore, they provide useful context for understanding what channels could (or could not) be used for the diffusion of fascist ideas across the European continent and beyond.

59 Aleksandr Vasil'evich Okorokov, Fashizm i russkaia emigratsiia: 1920-1945 gg. (Moscow: Rusaki,

2002). Also partially dealing with this topic, Aleksandr Vasil'evich Okorokov, Russkaia emigratsiia: Politicheskie, voenno-politicheskie i voinskie organizatsii, 1920-1990 gg. (Moscow: Avuar Konsalting,

2003).

60 For instance, he dates a fascist manifesto, Verista's Osnovnye nachala rossiiskogo fashizma, to 1927 even though the work speaks of eighteen years of Bolshevik rule and the publisher of the work did not exist at the time; on top of this, he gets the author's name wrong. Okorokov, Russkaia emigratsiia: Politicheskie, voenno-politicheskie i voinskie organizatsii, 1920-1990gg., 44.

61 See, for example, Mikhail Viktorovich Nazarov, Missiia russkoi emigratsii (T.1) (Moscow: Rodnik, 1994), 232-33. The text on the BRP would be copied almost to the letter nine years later in Okorokov, Russkaia emigratsiia: Politicheskie, voenno-politicheskie i voinskie organizatsii, 1920-1990 gg., 7. Complicating things, what in Nazarov's version is a quotation transforms into the author's 'voice' in Okorokov's work. Making matters worse, Nazarov's book is less the work of a scholar than it is that of an activist, and his analysis cannot be considered completely reliable in the first place.

62 Michael Arthur Ledeen, Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, 1928-1936 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1972).

63 Luca de Caprariis, "'Fascism for Export'? The Rise and Eclipse of the Fasci Italiani all'Estero", Journal of Contemporary History 35, no. 2 (2000): 151-83.

64 Marco Cuzzi, L'internazionale delle camicie nere: i CAUR, Comitati d'azione per l'universalita di Roma, 1933-1939 (Milan: Mursia, 2005).

An overview of the existing literature on the Russian emigration shows that, while the attitude of different individuals or groups in the diaspora to Fascism has been analysed in the past, this has usually played a secondary role, being touched upon in general works on Russia Abroad, on individual centres of the emigration, or on émigré parties and leading figures. An obvious exception, of course, are works on Russian émigré fascists, but even the study of the latter has, however, focused on groups based in locations outside Europe, such as the Far East. This is understandable given that Russian fascism achieved its more visible forms in this region, particularly in Harbin, but nevertheless neglects some crucial figures, groups and developments in the diaspora based on the Old Continent, the impact of which was felt by the emigration at large. There has not been a large-scale work in which the study of the attitude of the Russian emigration to Fascism was put explicitly at the centre, attempting to provide a systematic analysis of the positions present in the diaspora vis-à-vis this new phenomenon.

Object of study

The object of the present study is constituted by written sources on the topic of Fascism produced by the Russian diaspora in the interwar period. This refers primarily to materials aimed at public consumption (books, newspapers, magazines and other media), but also includes memoirs, letters and archival sources of diverse nature.

Subject of study

The subject of this dissertation is the reception of Italian Fascism by the Russian emigration. By this term what is meant is not émigrés belonging to an ethnically defined group ('ethnic Russians', either in the broad sense or in the narrow sense of 'Great Russians'), but to one determined by the cultural belonging or loyalty to Russia, regardless of national or ethnic background.65 Conversely, emigrants from the Russian Empire who did not retain such an allegiance (as was the case, for instance, of Ukrainian nationalists, ethnic Germans who integrated into their ancestral homeland, or Jewish emigrants who embraced Zionism) are beyond the scope of this work.

65 In addition to emigrants stricto sensu, the present study also includes in this category individuals who, without migrating, found themselves in new countries (the Baltic states, Poland, Finland) as a consequence of the redrawing of borders in Eastern Europe after the Great War and Russian Civil War, but retained an attachment to the broader Russian community.

Chronological and geographical frameworks

Although it may move slightly beyond this scope when necessary, the focus of this project will be set on interwar Europe, roughly from 1922, the year in which Mussolini seized power in Italy after his March on Rome, until 1936 - the year in which Italy and Germany established the Rome-Berlin Axis. The emergence of the Nazi Party in Germany, and the subsequent rise to the chancellorship of Adolf Hitler in 1933, introduced another fascist great power to the international stage and brought to the fore issues that had not been as relevant to Fascism up to that point, mainly those revolving around the Jewish question and the question of race in general (a particularly thorny issue for Russians, who were considered as an inferior race by Nazi ideology). It should be stressed that, in spite of their ideological affinity in theory, until 1936 Italy and Germany were not allies but largely competitors in the international arena, and therefore could, up to that moment, represent alternative poles of attraction. While at times it will be inevitable to refer to the impact that the establishment of Nazi Germany had on the Russian émigré community, an in-depth analysis of the relationship between Nazism specifically and the Russian diaspora, which had its own virulently antisemitic branches, would require a study of its own. Similarly, on the geographic plane, an exhaustive study of those Russian organisations in the Far East and in the United States that proclaimed themselves fascist falls outside of the scope of this project. Given the fact that there were interactions with Russian fascists in the European continent, some degree of engagement with these groups will be unavoidable. Nevertheless, these groups constitute complex phenomena that deserve to be analysed on their own elsewhere.

Research goals

The issues this dissertation will attempt to tackle are varied and intertwined. The main focus of the study will be to analyse the reaction of the diaspora to the ascent of Fascism and its development as the ruling regime of a major European nation. How did those political opponents of the Bolsheviks who had been cast away from their country react to this new political force? What was the position of those who continued to oppose the Bolsheviks from a socialist standpoint? How did those movements that emerged already in exile relate to Fascism? Regarding those who were inspired by this ideology, were there ties (formal or informal) to the Italian regime that could explain this influence? Can their postulates be considered merely 'translations into Russian' of Italian Fascism,

or did they elaborate upon (or borrow from) it in order to adapt it to a different milieu, multi-ethnic Russia, a far cry from relatively homogeneous Italy?

At the same time, a secondary but nevertheless important goal will be to address a set of questions related to the situation within the Russian diaspora at large. What were the political projects competing in 'Russia Abroad'? How did they fit in their host societies? Was the political outlook of émigrés related to their countries of settlement (and how)? Regarding the emergence of new movements in emigration, how did these groups, new and old, relate to the political culture of pre-revolutionary Russia, and to its intellectual trends? Considering that many of these nascent movements stressed their youth in an attempt to break with what they decried as old politics, to what extent was there a particularly marked, unbridgeable generational gap between the new movements to emerge in emigration, and those that clung on to memories of the Empire?

Research tasks

• Group different organisations and representative figures of the Russian emigration in Europe according to their attitude to Fascism.

• Identify the main groups and individuals to have embraced fascism in the Russian diaspora in Europe in the period 1922-1936.

• Analyse how different actors in the emigration interpreted the phenomenon of Fascism and, through their organs, portrayed it to a Russian audience.

• Outline the reasons that could lead to different émigré groups or figures to adopt specific positions with regard to Fascism.

• In fulfilling the previous tasks, present a general picture of the political landscape of the Russian diaspora in Europe as expressed in the émigré press.

Theoretical and methodological framework

In categorising and analysing the different groups (whether by their political views, intellectual postulates or geographical distribution) of the Russian emigration, drawing on a comparative approach is unavoidable. It will, nevertheless, be a tool within a broader, transnational perspective, something that, in a work of this kind, has to be employed less by choice than by default. A diaspora is a transnational phenomenon by definition, with, so to speak, one foot on the country of residence and another in the country of origin. Unlike individual immigration, which can often lead to integration or

assimilation, an organised diaspora, especially one of such massive scale as the Russian interwar emigration, retains or endeavours to retain many of its cultural traits without, however, being impervious to the influence of their host countries. This resulted in some diaspora centres either developing characteristics that made them distinctive, and/or attracting fellow émigrés that shared such characteristics or found them appealing.66 On top of this, the centres of the Russian émigré community remained connected not only with their homeland (even if this link was, for the most part, one of antagonism towards the ruling regime) but also to one another across the borders of the host countries themselves. Some degree of selectivity must be applied out of necessity (hence the present work's restriction to the European continent), but deliberately analysing these groups in isolation from their host nations or exclusively within the borders of those states would be artificial, and while it can be useful, it will not always lead to optimal results.

Secondly, a matter that requires clarification is the term fascism itself, a concept that has proven trickier to define than it may seem and has given rise to lively academic debate, with theoretical discussions behind the definition of this concept continuing to this day.67 While one can certainly avoid stepping into that arena when dealing with Fascist Italy, as it would be absurd to discuss whether Mussolini's Italy was fascist or not, this is not the case for other groups that may have adopted the label or that, while not proclaiming themselves fascist, clearly looked up to the Duce. For this purpose, it is necessary to adopt a definition of the concept that would allow for an evaluation of the propriety of placing one group or other under the fascist umbrella. Roger Griffin, one of the pioneering voices in comparative fascist studies, has defined fascism as "a revolutionary form of nationalism, one which sets out to be a political, social and ethical revolution, welding the 'people' into a dynamic national community under new elites infused with new heroic values", animated by the idea "that only a populist, trans-class movement of purifying, cathartic national rebirth (palingenesis) can stem the tide of decadence."68 This definition provides a concise yet flexible enough outline of the

66 For instance, the Russian emigration in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was known to hold largely monarchist beliefs. See Vladimir Dmitrievich Kozlitin, "Rossiiskaia emigratsiia v Korolevstve serbov, khorvatov i sloventsev (1919-1923)", Slavianovedenie, no. 4 (1992): 17-18.

67 This is even more complex in Russian historiography, which inherited from Soviet times an identification of the term fashizm first and foremost with its German (that is, National Socialist) variety. In this dissertation the term fascism on its own will not be used to refer to Nazism. Additionally, this phenomenon must be clearly distinguished from that of collaborationism with Axis forces. Not all collaborators were fascists, nor, perhaps counter-intuitively, were all Russian fascists to become collaborators.

68 Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 1993), xi.

shared characteristics of fascist movements, making it a reasonable starting point as well as a good fit for this study. Indeed, among Russian émigré movements were many that described themselves as fascist, others which were at times identified with fascism by outsiders, as well as groups that adopted some of Fascism's postulates but did not embrace this ideology in toto.69 While this was also the case in other nations, for the case of the Russian diaspora one would need to take into account the peculiar conditions of émigré life in Europe, where fascist programmes could only be debated in abstract terms for there was no realistic prospect of applying them in practice. Griffin's definition, structured as it is around ideology, is therefore particularly useful for the purposes of this work.

Linking the previous two points together, this research fits alongside recent works that stress the importance of a transnational approach to the study of fascism, something that in itself is an ulterior development of Griffin's views. Partisans of this approach see in Griffin's position a crucial step in the development of the comparative study of fascism, but they find limitations in the comparative approach itself, as it still conceives fascism as a national unit, largely contained within the borders of a country. In fascism, they argue, one should see not only an ideology of exacerbated nationalism, but also one that could 'think' itself transnationally, even if the idea was for long anathema to historians.70 The notion that a world of fascist nations was possible, and that the fascisms of different countries, each based on the national specificities of its people, were interconnected, was central to the Weltanschauung of a number of movements of

69 This latter point was, of course, not an exclusively Russian phenomenon. For example, recent publications on the subject of corporatism, a central part of Fascist discourse, have pointed to its diffusion across interwar Europe as a phenomenon related to but at the same time distinguishable from fascism itself. Corporatism was ultimately an important part of the social and economic thought of more traditionally conservative movements in Europe as well as of movements that drew inspiration directly from Mussolini's movement. See, for instance, Antonio Costa Pinto, ed., Corporatism and Fascism: The Corporatist Wave in Europe (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017).

70 Amd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe, "Introduction", in Fascism Without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945, ed. Arnd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe (New York: Berghahn, 2017), 1. The authors further explain what they mean by transnational in the following page: "First, fascism was a transnational movement. It spread across borders, but specific national manifestations are conspicuous. Second, fascism was perceived as a transnational phenomenon, both by its adherents and its foes. Third, fascism can be analysed from a transnational perspective. It includes comparative studies as well as investigations of transfers, exchanges, and even entanglements." For an interesting study of Russian fascism in Harbin from a transnational perspective, see Hohler, "Russian Fascism in Exile. A Historical and Phenomenolog-ical Perspective on Transnational Fascism"; Susanne Hohler, Fascism in Manchuria: The Soviet-China Encounter in the 1930s (London: I.B. Tauris, 2017).

this persuasion in the interwar period.71 This was fully shared by fascist groups in the Russian diaspora as well.

Novelty of the research

While the attitude of émigrés to fascism in Europe has been covered in various studies on the political groups of the Russian emigration and/or the émigré press, it has, understandably, occupied a largely secondary place in such works. There has not been, to this day, a systematic study centred on this topic. Furthermore, such studies have at times treated Italian Fascism and German Nazism as a whole under the umbrella term fascism, therefore obscuring some of the nuances in the interpretation of this phenomenon by the émigrés. Thus, in trying to portray such nuances and, fundamentally, focusing on the attitude to Italian Fascism as a topic in itself, this dissertation fills a gap in the historical literature on 'Russia Abroad'.

This dissertation also brings to scholarly attention a number of previously underutilised published materials as well as unused archival sources that help paint a fuller picture of the ways in which the emigration responded to the rise of Fascism. In doing so it provides a reinterpretation not only of the positions adopted by well-known groups and individuals in the emigration, but also of the actual relevance of some lesser-known organisations and figures active in the Russian diaspora. This includes both opponents and supporters of the ideas put forward by Mussolini and his movement, with the present study arguing that some of them were not only more influential within the world of Russian émigrés than previously thought, but also that their influence could be felt beyond this community. Moreover, some of the interpretations advanced by these exiles would be further developed and enjoy currency well beyond the period under study.

Sources

As has been mentioned earlier, this dissertation is based mainly on the analysis of materials published by Russian émigrés of the interwar period, primarily those publications that were formally or informally affiliated with certain sectors of the diaspora and that can be seen as representative of, and advocating for, the ideas of those groups.

71 Aristotle A. Kallis, "Transnational Fascism: The Fascist New Order, Violence, and Creative Destruction", in Fascism Without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945, ed. Amd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe (New York: Berghahn, 2017), 47.

Several dozen outlets were used during the course of this research, which would make listing them comprehensively here too cumbersome; a full list can be found in the bibliography. It will suffice to say that among them are the major periodicals published by the emigration in Europe, such as the monarchist Novoe Vremia (Belgrade), the right Kadet Rul' (Berlin), right SR Dni (initially Berlin, later Paris), left Kadet Poslednie Novosti and conservative Vozrozhdenie (Paris), or Za Svobodu! (Warsaw), originally founded under the aegis of Boris Savinkov and his closest associates. The organs of specific parties or organisations, such as the Menshevik journal Sotsialisticheskii vest-nik, the monarchist Vysshii monarkhicheskii sovet, the SR journal Revoliutsionnaia Ros-siia or the varied publications of the mladorossy, such as Mladorosskaia Iskra and Bodrost'!, were also analysed. In addition to this, books and brochures published by representatives of these organisations or by the organisations collectively (such as party programmes or platforms) have also been studied. In the process of writing this dissertation the collections held at the Russian State Library (RGB, best known as the Leninka), the State Historical Public Library (GPIB, usually known as the Istorichka), its associated Centre for Social and Political History (TsSPI), the Dom Russkogo Zarubezh'ia (henceforth DRZ), as well as the scientific library at the State Archive of the Russian Federation (Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii, henceforth GARF, after its Russian acronym) were used. On top of this, the Russia Abroad Digital Collection, an online repository of émigré press, has been recently made available by the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. This growing collection can be found at https://radc.hoover.org/. While some of the uploads to this website have come too late for them to be used for this dissertation, it nevertheless proved to be a very useful resource that, being in development still, is likely to become invaluable for future scholars.

Archival sources occupy a secondary role in this dissertation when compared to the press, but are nevertheless very important in helping our understanding of some behind-the-scenes happenings. They also become all the more relevant when trying to analyse groups, organisations or institutions (such as the remnants of the White army or of the diplomatic apparatus of pre-Bolshevik Russia) that did not tend to voice their views through the press all that often. The archive of the DRZ holds a large collection of files from the chancellery of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (fond 2 - General chancellery of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich Romanov the Younger), headed by Prince Nikolai Obolenskii. Obolenskii's correspondence, official but, at times, personal,

proved helpful in understanding the contacts between the official representatives of a sector of the monarchist emigration and Fascist Italy.

At the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art (henceforth RGALI) some of the personal collections of intellectuals, artists, musicians, writers and editors active in 'Russia Abroad' can be found. These hold correspondence that, while by and large not of a political nature, nevertheless helps elucidate the connections between some of the 'players' in the political life of the diaspora as well as their views on Fascism. For instance, fond 355, belonging to Vasilii Ivanovich Nemirovich-Danchenko, holds letters from writer and Fascist sympathiser Aleksandr Amfiteatrov recounting his experiences living in Italy; fond 459, holding files on the Suvorin family, publishers of Novoe Vremia and other conservative newspapers in Russia and the emigration, contains exchanges with writers on the right of the political spectrum and with representatives of like-minded émigré organisations; fond 2294, for its part, holds some personal documents and correspondence belonging to diplomat (and amateur composer) Ivan Ale-ksandrovich Persiani, the last [White] Russian diplomatic representative in Italy. While this correspondence is by and large neither official nor political, it has helped identify him as the writer of a series of anti-Fascist articles in the émigré press.

Most of the archival work for this research was conducted at the State Archive of the Russian Federation, which holds the majority of the collection previously gathered by the Russian Historical Archive Abroad (Russkii Zagranichnyi Istoricheskii Arkhiv, RZIA) in Prague during the interwar period. It also holds the personal collections belonging to various individuals who played key roles in the diaspora, which proved very helpful in elucidating their views not only on Fascism but also on their fellow exiles. Particularly interesting in this regard is fond R5853, containing most of the diary of General Aleksei Aleksandrovich von Lampe, head of the ROVS in Germany, his correspondence with his comrades in arms and various émigré figures, and copies of various publications and press clippings that the general found interesting, sometimes with his commentary. If the correspondence and the press clippings are useful, Lampe's diary is invaluable: the general was a keen observer, documenting events not only in Germany but in other parts of Europe, and was also ' in the thick of things' , holding meetings with representatives of other émigré organisations as well as foreign governments. Given the prohibition for ROVS members to participate in politics, his diary also provides an interesting window to the thoughts of a high-ranking member of the organisation, as well as, at times, those of his colleagues and even superiors. Also rich in ma-

terial is fond 10207, a collection of documents on the history of the Soiuz Mladorossov gathered by Vladimir Andreevich Krasinskii, an illegitimate relative of the Romanovs and active participant in the organisation. Containing both internal documentation of the group, including circular letters and lists of members, as well as an extensive collection of the group's publications, it is indispensable for the study of this organisation. A very useful resource held at GARF is fond 10073, a collection of flyers and brochures from various émigré organisations, some with fascist inclinations, that helps give an idea of the views these groups were trying to disseminate among the emigration and, in some cases, even within the Soviet Union itself. Fond R9145, very vaguely titled "Collection of separate documents of various émigré organisations", also contains collections of both documents and publications from virtually every émigré group, sometimes not properly catalogued, but certainly useful for the analysis of the political life of the diaspora. The microfilmed sources from foreign collections, such as the Museum of Russian History in San Francisco (f. 10143) and, fundamentally, the Hoover Institution at Stanford University (f. 10003), are also an invaluable resource. The microfilms from the Hoover Institution contain both private papers belonging to some central figures in the diaspora, such as Pëtr Struve, and some documents of institutional origin, such as letters sent from the Russian embassy in Rome, headed by the aforementioned Persiani, to the Council of Ambassadors in Paris, the head of which, Mikhail Girs, had previously served as ambassador in the Italian capital. This correspondence proved to be a particularly rich source. A complete list of the archives and collections used can be found in the bibliography.

Edited correspondence and collections of other archival materials, some already mentioned earlier, were also used extensively during this dissertation. Appropriate references will be provided in a section of its own in the bibliography. Similarly, published memoirs by participants or witnesses have been used in an auxiliary capacity. Such sources must be used with caution, but are still capable of greatly enriching our understanding of events.

Main conclusions put to defence

1. Long before the rise of National Socialism in Germany, and despite the relative insignificance of Italy as a centre of the Russian diaspora, the Fascist experiment in Italy attracted the attention (positive or negative) of Russian émigrés of all political persuasions, as reflected on the émigré press. Furthermore, Russian émigrés very often

treated Fascism, even if they viewed it as a potentially transnational movement, as distinct from Nazism until the two regimes established closer ties in 1936.

2. The attitudes of Russian émigrés towards Fascism cannot be explained exclusively by their political views in pre-revolutionary Russia. Émigrés looked at Fascism through several superimposed 'prisms', among which one can count: their pre-revolutionary trajectories; the trauma of Revolution and Civil War; the diaspora experience, making them pay attention to the interests of their homeland (even when they could not return to it); the generational aspect, that is, the old theme of 'fathers' and 'sons'; their condition as exiles, which made them susceptible to influence by a foreign milieu. The various combinations of these factors, as well as the priorities assigned by different émigré groups to one of them or another, could lead to attitudes towards Fascism that would be paradoxical if viewed only from the perspective of pre-revolutionary politics.

3. A significant part of the Russian emigration opposed Fascism. These opponents not only came from diverse political backgrounds, but their criticism of this movement often focused on different issues. These included, among others, the anti-worker policies of Mussolini's regime, its repressive nature, the suppression of democracy in Italy, or contempt for the Duce and the perceived crudeness of his rule.

4. The intellectual life of the Russian emigration was far from sterile and produced interesting analyses of the Fascist phenomenon. Having, in some cases, experienced Bolshevism as well as witnessed the rise of fascist movements, some groups among the Russian emigration advanced interpretations that put both types of dictatorship within a single category. In the case of the Mensheviks in particular, it has been pointed out how this helped give rise to the theory of totalitarianism. It will be argued here that it was a specific subset of the Menshevik émigrés, the Zaria group, that insisted on these views well before the party mainstream accepted that position.

5. In general terms, Fascism found a better reception among the younger generation of émigrés than among their elders. This was a fact recognised by contemporaries from both generations, and while some aspects of the specific Russian émigré experience influenced it (lack of ties to pre-revolutionary politics, rejection of the 'defeated' ide-

as of the 'fathers'), this was also part of a larger trend of European youth being drawn to such ideologies.

6. The adoption of the fascist label by many representatives of the older generation usually represented an attempt by reactionaries to give a new name to old ideas. Many, in fact, projected onto Fascism the positions (monarchism, religious devotion) and prejudices (most notably antisemitism) that they had carried with them from their homeland, rather than seeing Fascism for what it was: a mass movement of a new type, with goals that did not involve the strengthening of an absolute monarch but the creation of a totalitarian state.

7. For the most part, studies on interwar Russian fascist movements and parties have— understandably—focused on the phenomenon of fascism among the Russian community in the Far East, especially the Harbin-based Russian Fascist Party headed by Konstantin Rodzaevskii, or on Anastasii Vonsiatskii's attempts to establish a Russian fascist organisation from his base in the United States. Russian fascism in Europe has received comparatively little attention, and it will be argued here that even if it did not develop into an organised movement as in Harbin (where there was a compact Russian community and complicity from the local authorities) or have the resources that Vonsiatskii enjoyed (thanks to his wife's fortune), Russian fascist sympathisers in Europe played an important role in spreading this ideology among émigrés in the continent and beyond.

8. Related to the previous point, it will be posited that Aleksandr Kazem-Bek's mladorossy, whose links to Fascism are often dismissively described as an imitation of external appearances and affectations, were during most of the 1930s committed fascists in the Italian mould, but aware that Mussolini's ideas could not be simply transplanted to Russian reality. Their eclectic approach should be seen not only in terms of imitation, and least of all portrayed as farcical, but rather as an attempt to adapt the general postulates of the Italian model to the Russian milieu. Furthermore, it will be shown that the mladorossy actively attempted to establish ties with the international fascist movement.

9. The figure of Viacheslav Nikolaevich Novikov (also known under the pseudonym Verista), today almost forgotten, will be brought to scholarly attention. Novikov was

already a visible figure prior to his exile, and in emigration was a prominent social and political actor during the 1920s. Attracted by the ideas of Italian Fascism, it will be argued here that, throughout the interwar period, he was likely the single most influential promoter of this ideology among Russian émigrés in Europe and perhaps in the entire diaspora.

Theoretical and practical relevance of the dissertation

From a theoretical-methodological standpoint, the present dissertation provides an example of the usefulness of employing a transnational lens for the study of a phenomenon such as the Russian interwar diaspora, revealing both the influences of the host societies on émigrés as well as the cross-border ties between different groups of exiles. It furthermore can make a contribution to theoretical debates on the nature of fascism, being firmly on the side of partisans of an understanding of fascism as an ideology able of thinking itself internationally and transnationally - and one that was interpreted as capable of doing so also by its contemporaries.

The practical value of this dissertation comes first and foremost from its potential usefulness in the classroom or in other educational settings. This work can contribute to improving the general understanding of the political and intellectual climate of the Russian emigration during the interwar period, and its inclusion in courses on 'Russia Abroad' could help in providing a clearer picture of this fascinating diaspora. This dissertation could also be used with profit in general courses on the political history of the interwar period, helping place the emigration in a wider context as well as presenting the way into which this 'stateless' community tried to navigate the turbulent waters of the era. Parts of this work could certainly be useful in the teaching on fascism, providing a case study of the reception and even adaptation of the ideas first expressed in Italian Fascism to unconventional contexts.

This dissertation also has subsidiary practical relevance for the understanding of contemporary nationalist movements. As mentioned, this work views fascism as a phenomenon with transnational potential and sees the response of the Russian diaspora as informed by a similar perception of this new current. At present, co-operation between far-right movements across the world has become a matter of concern, and even in the political mainstream, ideas of national egoism are once again being loudly proclaimed in some of the world's capitals. These are often accompanied by explicit calls to establish collaborative ties between such like-minded political movements, and the present

research could serve as a reminder that one should be wary of too easily dismissing the possibility of ultranationalist currents being able to think about trans-border cooperation.

Reliability and approbation of results

Given the wide range of sources employed during the period of research, as well as its confrontation with the existing literature, it is to be hoped that the results presented in this dissertation stand on a strong foundation. Additionally, parts of this dissertation have been presented to the wider academic community in the form of scholarly publications (listed below) as well as in the following international conference:

• Perna, Alejandro. "Imaginando un futuro fascista desde el exilio: el fascismo ruso según Verista", presented at the XII Jornadas de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea: "Incertidumbre, crisis y conflictos desde la modernidad hasta nuestros días", international conference held at the National University of Quilmes, 26-28 July 2023, Quilmes, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

Main publications of the author in scholarly journals included in the list of high-quality journals compiled by the National Research University Higher School of Economics

• Perna, Alejandro. "'Un popolo di migratori, di sognatori, di adoratori dell'infinito': Rusia en los ensayos políticos tempranos de Curzio Malaparte (1921-1925)". Revista de Historia vol. 1 (30) (2023): hc366. https://doi.org/10.29393/RH30-39PMAP10039

• Perna, Alejandro. "Fascism through the Eyes of Dissident Mensheviks. From the Pages of Zaria". Canadian-American Slavic Studies 59 no. 3 (2025), 278-300. https://doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05903006

• Perna, Alejandro. "The philo-fascist leanings of a 'literary project': a page in the history of the Bratstvo Russkoi Pravdy. Revolutionary Russia 38 no. 1 (2025), 63-82. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2025.2483587

General information about the organisation where the research was conducted and the research supervisor.

This dissertation was completed at the Doctoral School of Historical Sciences at the Faculty of Humanities of the National Research University Higher School of Economics. Academic supervisor: Martin Erwin Beisswenger, PhD, associate professor.

Заключение диссертации по теме «Другие cпециальности», Пэрна Аростеги Алехандро Пабло

Заключение

На протяжении всей диссертации подчёркивалось, что с самого момента возникновения фашистского движения в Италии после Первой мировой войны, и особенно после захвата власти Муссолини в конце октября 1922 года, российская эмиграция не осталась равнодушной к этому новому явлению. Реакция, конечно, не могла быть единодушной. Описание российской диаспоры как «России за рубежом» как современниками, так и более поздними исследователями отражает тот факт, что изгнанники, даже если они были рассеяны по территории, охватывающей разные страны, составляли сложное общество, которое было одновременно транснациональным и российским, с собственной прессой, политическими группировками, интеллектуальными течениями и даже, в некотором смысле, вооружёнными силами. Кроме того, оно подвергалось процессам «региональной» дифференциации, поскольку эмигранты находились под влиянием (и, когда это было возможно, участвовали в жизни) стран своего проживания, а также развитию растущего разрыва между поколениями с продлением срока изгнания.

Следует надеяться, что страницы настоящего исследования сумели передать всю живость социальной ткани российской эмиграции. Ведь именно существование такой взаимосвязанной диаспоры в межвоенный период позволило сформироваться широкому спектру взглядов среди российских эмигрантов по вопросу фашизма (и, возможно, по большинству других вопросов), которые не так легко свести к дихотомии «за» и «против». Следует также подчеркнуть, что представленная здесь классификация не подразумевает политической близости между группами и отдельными лицами, относящимися к одной категории, а является результатом попытки найти общий знаменатель («отношение к фашизму») и затем глубже изучить причины такой позиции. Как было показано, хотя в некоторых случаях реакция эмигрантов могла быть предсказуемой на основе ранее существовавших политических взглядов, причины принятия той или иной позиции по отношению к этому новому политическому течению могли быть очень разными. Действительно, отношение российских эмигрантов к фашизму иногда выходило за рамки прежних политических привязанностей и приводило к неочевидным реакциям на это явление под влиянием различных факторов, таких как их дореволюционные траектории, опыт Гражданской войны, их более узкая цель возобновить борьбу с большевиками, интересы принимающих стран, стремление

построить «новый порядок» не только в России, но и в Европе, или даже верность идеалам славянства, среди многих других (и всех возможных комбинаций этих факторов).

Как показано в данной диссертации, оппозиция фашизму исходила от эмигрантских групп, которые занимали просоветскую позицию, а также от групп, связанных с дореволюционной левой, но также и от деятелей, связанных с либеральным лагерем, которые, несмотря на свою оппозицию большевизму, не могли смириться с фашистским ущемлением гражданских свобод, и даже от деятелей, находившихся правее на политическом спектре и связанных с более традиционными слоями российского общества. Следует также подчеркнуть, что определённые аспекты дискуссий о природе фашизма (и фашизма в целом) среди некоторых его противников имели долгосрочные последствия: теория тоталитаризма, некогда широко распространённая аналитическая концепция, которая пережила свой расцвет во время холодной войны и до сих пор сохраняет некую актуальность, уходит корнями в затянувшиеся дебаты между меньшевиками, часто проводившиеся открыто через их органы, о сходстве между их собственным опытом и анализом Советского Союза и практикой фашистских режимов межвоенного периода.

Другие секторы диаспоры характеризовались амбивалентным отношением к феномену фашизма. В некоторых случаях это было просто выражением первоначальной симпатии к потенциальному союзнику в борьбе с большевизмом. Чаще всего, особенно среди правых либералов и консервативных сторонников конституционного правительства, это было результатом первоначально благожелательной интерпретации явления, рассматриваемого через призму Гражданской войны в России как попытки установить переходную, временную диктатуру, чтобы победить коммунистическую угрозу и восстановить некоторую нормальность в социальной и политической жизни страны. Вскоре фашизм продемонстрировал, что стремится к чему-то большему, а именно к установлению иного типа социально-политического и даже экономического порядка, что было гораздо менее приемлемо для этих эмигрантов и привело их к значительной переоценке (как правило, более трезвой) этого явления. В некоторой степени аналогичная ситуация сложилась среди некоторых монархических эмигрантов, о чем можно было прочитать на страницах белградской ежедневной газеты «Новое время». Хотя поначалу они приветствовали приход к власти Муссолини, проецируя на его движение многие

из своих собственных политических взглядов, впоследствии они были разочарованы сочетанием внутренней политики фашистов, которая не всегда оправдывала их ожидания, и внешней политики, не только в связи с признанием Италией СССР, но и из-за угрозы, которую она представляла для Югославии, которая с распростёртыми объятиями приняла белых эмигрантов.

Различия в проявлениях симпатии к фашизму среди российских эмигрантов потребовали разделения более широкой категории притяжения на две разные главы в данной диссертации. Первая из них посвящена тем слоям или фигурам в диаспоре, которые характеризовались притяжением к движению Муссолини, что, однако, не обязательно означало принятие фашистской идеологии или планов преобразования государства и общества по образцу того, что происходило (или то, что описывалось как происходящее) в Италии. Сюда относятся, например, те, кто в первую очередь видел в нём инструмент для свержения большевизма, позицию, которую в конечном итоге приняли даже некоторые деятели левого толка, такие как Борис Савинков. Остатки белых вооружённых сил, которые позже сформировали РОВС, также являются примером такого отношения, но верно и то, что это был особый случай, поскольку в течение большей части исследуемого периода его руководство пыталось изолировать организацию, а также её членов, от политики. Однако этот тип притяжения был наиболее распространён в секторах, которые уже до эмиграции занимали позиции на правом фланге политического спектра. Воспринимая фашистский захват власти как успешный пример антибольшевистской борьбы, в некоторых случаях они даже принимали фашистскую идеологию. Однако содержание оставалось прежним. Здесь мы также сталкиваемся с большой степенью проекции, когда некоторые неприкрытые реакционеры просто принимали движение Муссолини за итальянскую версию «черносотенцев», а цель дуче — за восстановление старого порядка. Другие, более утончённые фигуры, такие как философ Иван Ильин, идеализировали фашизм, который установил бы авторитарную систему, проникнутую моральными ценностями, укоренёнными в христианстве, и возглавляемую новой, одухотворённой аристократией. Это были люди, укоренённые в прошлом, в то время как фашизм претендовал на продвижение вперёд.

Действительно, в последней главе речь идёт о тех группах, притяжение которых к фашизму объяснялось именно тем, что они видели в нём попытку выйти за рамки прежних систем, будь то абсолютистских или либерально-

демократических. Не все группы, включённые в эту категорию, считали себя фашистскими, а некоторые даже активно избегали этого термина, но все они видели в фашизме увлекательное новое явление, которое пытались понять на его собственных условиях — даже если это иногда означало, что они тоже принимали некоторые утверждения за чистую монету. Черпая вдохновение из итальянского опыта, эти группы стремились построить новое общество в будущей, постбольшевистской России. Наиболее интересно, что в некоторых случаях (а именно в случае евразийства, которое не выступало за российский фашизм, а за создание идеократического евразийского государства, и в случае младороссов, которые считали себя российскими фашистами, но всё чаще принимали оборонческую позицию по отношению к СССР) привлекательным было не антисоветское измерение движения Муссолини, а попытки фашизма создать новый социальный, экономический и политический порядок. Что касается эмигрантов в Европе, которые открыто выступили под фашистским ярлыком, то они часто оставались в тени более заметного примера Харбина или хорошо финансируемых усилий Анастасия Вонсяцкого, проживавшего в США, но в данной диссертации показано, что российские фашисты на старом континенте были менее маргинальными, чем считалось изначально, и что их поддержка и принятие фашизма были не просто попыткой скопировать иностранную модель, а творческим усилием «переработать» её для новой среды, которая по своим политическим традициям, размерам и многонациональному характеру была далека от Италии (или Германии, если на то пошло). Различные группы и отдельные лица предлагали разные, конкурирующие друг с другом планы будущего фашистской России, которые, как правило, отличались значительной долей эклектизма. В конечном итоге все они остались в чисто теоретической плоскости из-за условий жизни в диаспоре и неспособности (либо посредством внутреннего процесса, либо внешнего вмешательства) заменить существующий большевистский режим. Это (возможно, к счастью) не позволяет оценить осуществимость этих проектов, которые, какими бы фантастическими они ни казались, вероятно, были не более нереальными, чем проекты Муссолини (или Гитлера) до их прихода к власти.

Несмотря на это заметное разнообразие взглядов, в данном исследовании прослеживаются и некоторые более общие тенденции в реакции эмигрантов на фашизм. Хотя не все из них являются исключительно характерными для россий-

ской диаспоры, они, безусловно, нашли в ней своё отражение. Одной из таких тенденций является заметный разрыв между поколениями, влияющий на отношение эмигрантов к фашизму. С одной стороны, и хотя, конечно, были некоторые исключения, одним из аспектов, который характеризовал большинство противников фашизма, а также тех изгнанников, которые заняли неоднозначную позицию, был тот факт, что большинство из них принадлежали к старшему поколению эмигрантов, которые пытались сохранить свои прежние политические убеждения. В существующих политических группировках явно не хватало молодых людей, которые могли бы заменить старшее поколение. В некоторых случаях это было сделано намеренно: меньшевики не принимали в свои ряды членов, которые до эмиграции не были в той или иной степени связаны с РСДРП в России, и этот запрет распространялся даже на детей давних членов партии.2269 В других случаях это, вероятно, было связано с отсутствием «места» на политической арене (и в эмигрантской прессе), которое «отцы» были готовы уступить «детям» — и, возможно, даже могли уступить им: одно дело — постепенно вводить нового члена партии в более или менее устоявшуюся информационную и политическую среду дореволюционной России, и совсем другое — делать то же самое в условиях широко рассеянной эмиграции. В конечном итоге лишь немногие из «детей» достигли известности в старых политических партиях.

Разрыв между поколениями также прослеживается в упомянутом выше разделении между группами, которые испытывали притяжение к фашизму, то есть между теми, кто восхвалял фашизм как средство борьбы с большевизмом, и теми, кто активно принимал эту идеологию. Реакционеры, которые рассматривали движение Муссолини как итальянскую версию «черносотенства», в конце концов, также придерживались своих старых политических убеждений. Фашизм как таковой, а не как реакция под другим названием, оказался очень интересным для молодых эмигрантов. В определённой степени это было общеевропейским явлением, и некоторые представители старшего поколения хорошо осознавали эту тенденцию: по мнению Петра Рысса, «ничем русская молодёжь не отличается от молодёжи германской, французской, итальянской. И там поход против «отцов» длится века, иногда ослабевая, иногда обостряясь до крайности, как, например, в теперешней Италии. Фашизм, это восстание детей против отцов, нового против старо-

2269 Liebich A. From the Other Shore... P. 105.

го», и молодые российские эмигранты не могли оставаться равнодушными к этой тенденции.2270 Однако возможно, что их положение эмигрантов усугубляло это: с одной стороны, многие молодые эмигранты не были связаны партийными узами, которые принесли с собой их старшие товарищи, и в целом пренебрежительно относились к этим позициям, виня их в том, что они оказались в затруднительном положении, ведя незавидную жизнь на чужбине; с другой стороны, если молодёжь в большинстве стран могла быть соблазнена не только поднимающейся фашистской волной, но и революционным порывом левых, то для российской диаспоры именно этот революционный порыв лишил их страны в первую очередь.

Конечно, многие сыновья и дочери эмигрантов, которые интегрировались в принимающие общества, участвовали в левых движениях своих новых стран и в некоторых случаях активно боролись с фашистской угрозой, но они делали это в рамках сопротивления своих приёмных стран, а не в рамках эмигрантских групп.2271 На самом деле, одним из аргументов, выдвигаемых меньшевиками для оправдания своего довольно крайнего неприятия прозелитизма, было убеждение, что их дети должны интегрироваться в социалистические движения принимающих стран. В конечном итоге, многие молодые эмигранты, социалисты и не только, выбрали именно такую ассимиляцию. Однако для тех молодых людей, для которых интеграция не была желательным вариантом, которые не хотели разрывать связи с российской нацией и мечтали вернуться в свою страну происхождения, фашистский гипернационализм, проявленный при Муссолини, казался им заманчивым способом сохранить свою национальную идентичность (по крайней мере, как они её воспринимали) и давал им надежду не только на возвращение, но и на восстановление своей родины.

Ещё одной заметной тенденцией являются усилия многих из исследуемых групп и деятелей, по крайней мере до 1936 года (а в некоторых случаях даже позже), подчеркнуть различия между итальянским фашизмом и набирающим силу немецким нацизмом, даже среди тех наблюдателей, которые рассматривали оба движения как принадлежащие к одной «семье» фашистских режимов. Хотя указа-

2270 Пётр Рысс. Деты без отцов // Возрождение. 1929. 30 августа. № 1550. С. 2.

2271 Хотя в основном посвящённая теме сопротивления нацизму в годы Второй мировой войны, конференция 2015 года затронула вопрос противостояния фашизму в российской эмиграции, в том числе изучение нескольких деятелей, присоединившихся к местной борьбе против фашизма и нацизма, в частности, в Испании, Франции и Югославии. См. Российская эмиграция в борьбе с фашизмом: Международная научная конференция, Москва, 14-15 мая 2015 года. К 70-летию Великой Победы, под ред. К. К. Семёнова и М. Ю. Сорокиной. М.: Русский путь - ДРЗ им. Александра Солженицына, 2015.

ние на различия между итальянской и немецкой моделями фашизма может показаться банальным, в настоящее время это различие затушевывается в русском языке довольно своеобразным использованием термина «фашизм», даже в научных исследованиях, для обозначения в основном немецкого нацизма, а не итальянского оригинала — особенность, унаследованная от советской традиции. Это, безусловно, не относилось к эмигрантам межвоенного периода. В настоящей диссертации показано, как для эмигрантов, которые занимали противоположные позиции по отношению к этому явлению, в исследуемый период различие между ними могло быть очень важным. Как можно было видеть на страницах «Последних новостей», иногда это доходило до преуменьшения сходств между ними, проведения различия между фашистами и расистами (последний термин часто встречался в эмигрантской прессе в целом для обозначения национал-социализма). Эти либеральные противники фашизма относились к нему гораздо лучше, чем к нацизму, считая движение Муссолини в целом более утончённым и «рациональным», а орган РДО выступал за участие Италии в потенциальных усилиях по сдерживанию гитлеровской Германии.

На противоположном, профашистском конце политического спектра также можно наблюдать попытки подчеркнуть различия между этими двумя движениями и режимами. Например, младороссы сознательно выбрали итальянскую фашистскую модель по целому ряду причин, начиная от неприятия биологического расизма, проповедуемого нацистами, который плохо вписывался в движение, возглавляемое человеком с многоэтническим происхождением, стремившимся захватить власть в многонациональной стране, и заканчивая геополитическими соображениями, поскольку экспансионистские намерения Германии на востоке представляли угрозу для их родной России. Сближение Италии с Германией и всё более подчинённая роль, которую она стала играть в этом союзе, что особенно проявилось в принятии Италией расистского законодательства, привели к постепенному разочарованию младороссов и, в конечном итоге, к полному отказу от фашистского ярлыка. Интересно, что Вячеслав Новиков, который в этой диссертации выделяется как, вероятно, самый ярый пропагандист фашизма в российской диаспоре в Европе, а также как фигура, стоящая в центре попыток разработать программу для российского фашизма, тоже явно выступал за итальянскую модель, а не за немецкую, но в отличие от младороссов, столкнувшись с той же аль-

тернативой после принятия расовых законов, оправдывал расистский поворот фашизма, а не отказывался от него.

Последней, всеобъемлющей темой, которая выходит на первый план на протяжении всей диссертации, является явное транснациональный характера фашизма. Недавний сборник исследований, анализирующих это явление с использованием транснационального подхода, оправдал свой методологический выбор отчасти тем, что «фашизм воспринимался как транснациональное явление как его сторонниками, так и противниками».2272 Данное исследование отношения российской эмиграции к фашизму рисует картину, которая соответствует этому утверждению. Хотя в некоторых ранних статьях в эмигрантской прессе фашизм изображался как итальянское проявление реакции или как чисто итальянское явление, вскоре стало очевидным, что это движение может распространиться за границу и послужить моделью для появления аналогичных движений в других странах (переход от итальянского фашизма к родовому фашизму). Но речь шла не только о простом существовании различных фашизмов, а о возможности их координации. Просоветская «Новая Россия» утверждала, что их противоречивые интересы приведут к столкновению в долгосрочной перспективе, но всё же изображала появление потенциального фашистского фронта как ответ буржуазии на международный, глобальный характер социалистической революции. В статье в меньшевистском журнале «Социалистический вестник» с горечью отмечалось, что фашисты оказались очень эффективными интернационалистами. Провозглашение Муссолини универсальной ценности фашизма и его потенциала для «экспорта» с озабоченностью освещалось праволиберальным органом «Руль». Как показано в данном исследовании, сторонники фашизма в российской эмиграции, со своей стороны, часто говорили о будущем порядке, при котором различные формы фашизма могли бы сосуществовать на европейском континенте и даже за его пределами. Младороссы, считавшие себя законными представителями российского фашизма, даже участвовали в некоторых международных (интернационалистских) инициативах, исходивших из Рима или организованных группами, связанными с итальянским фашизмом.

Вполне возможно, что противоречия между несколькими гипернационалистическими движениями, руководствующимися принципом национального эго-

2272 Баыегкйшрег А., Яо^чоНт'кг-ЫеЬе О. Шго^сйоп. Р. 1.

изма и вдохновлёнными духом «выживания сильнейшего», помешали бы любым попыткам долгосрочного сотрудничества между такими движениями. В мировоззрении, в котором международные отношения воспринимались как игра с нулевой суммой, где каждая нация должна в первую очередь заботиться о своих членах, была бы высока вероятность того, что фашистские движения обратятся друг против друга. Тем не менее, намерение развивать «панфашистское» сотрудничество, создать единый транснациональный фашистский фронт, двигаться к «миру фа-шизмов» существовало. Оно провозглашалось сторонниками фашизма в Европе и не могло быть просто отброшено его противниками. Российская эмиграция не была исключением из этого правила.

Список литературы диссертационного исследования кандидат наук Пэрна Аростеги Алехандро Пабло, 2026 год

Список источников и литературы

I. Источники

Этот раздел ограничивается материалами, цитируемыми в самой диссертации. В процессе исследования были проанализированы другие архивные и печатные источники, но в конечном итоге они не были включены в работу и поэтому не упоминаются.

A. Архивы

Архив Дома Русского Зарубежья (ДРЗ):

Ф. 2 (Общая канцелярия Великого князя Николая Николаевича Романова (Младшего))

Российский государственный архив литературы и искусства (РГАЛИ):

Ф. 355 (Немирович-Данченко Василий Иванович) Ф. 459 (Суворин Алексей Сергеевич) Ф. 2294 (Персиани Иван Александрович)

Государственный архив Российской Федерации (ГАРФ):

Ф. 102 (Департамент полиции Министерства внутренних дел)

Ф. Р4369 (Министерство юстиции Российского правительства. Омск.)

Ф. Р5763 (Союз русских государевых людей имени её императорского высочества

великой княжны Киры Кирилловны)

Ф. Р5783 (Савицкий Пётр Николаевич)

Ф. Р5796 (Юго-Восточный отдел Объединения русских воинских союзов)

Ф. Р5802 (Бурцев Владимир Львович)

Ф. Р5826 (Русский Обще-Воинский Союз (РОВС))

Ф. Р5845 (Русский воинский союз в Праге)

Ф. Р5853 (фон Лампе Алексей Александрович)

Ф. Р5865 (Прокопович-Кускова Екатерина Дмитриевна)

Ф. Р5909 (Паспортно-пропускное отделение при военном агенте в Турции)

Ф. Р6026 (Рубанов Глеб Иванович)

Ф. Р6080 (Постоянный секретариат Русской секции Международной Лиги борьбы

с III Интернационалом)

Ф. Р6088 (Киндяков Михаил Львович)

Ф. Р6096 (Русский национальный комитет, г. Париж)

Ф. Р7518 (Штаб Главнокомандующего Русской армией)

Ф. Р9145 (Коллекция отдельных документов различных эмигрантских организаций) Ф. 10003 (Коллекция микрофильмов Гуверовского института войны, революции и мира)

Ф. 10073 (Коллекция белогвардейских и эмигрантских листовок)

Ф. 10143 (Коллекция микрофильмов Музея русской культуры в Сан-Франциско) Ф. 10207 (Коллекция документов по истории Союза младороссов, собранная В. А. Красинским)

В. Периодика

Приведённый здесь список включает некоторые эмигрантские публикации, выходящие за рамки указанных географических и хронологических границ данного исследования, но которые были процитированы в тексте для предоставления контекста или дополнительной информации об анализируемых личностях или группах. Годы, указанные в скобках, соответствуют годам публикации и имеют целью лишь облегчить идентификацию публикаций.

1. Бодрость! (Париж, 1934-1940)

2. Борьба за Россию (Париж, 1926-1931)

3. Бюллетень Республиканско-демократического объединения (Париж, 19251931)

4. Вера и верность (Нови-Сад, 1923-1925)

5. Вестник Крестьянской России (Берлин, 1925-1926; Прага, 1927-1933)

6. Вестник Общества Галлиполийцев (София, 1932-1942)

7. Вестник Русского национального комитета (Париж, 1923-1926)

8. Вечерняя пресса (Константинополь, 1920-1925)

9. Возрождение (Париж, 1925-1940)

10. Воля России (Прага, 1920-1927; Париж, 1927-1932)

11. Высший монархический совет (Берлин, 1921-1926)

12. Голос России (София, 1936-1938)

13. Дни (Берлин, 1922-1925; Париж, 1925-1933)

14. Двуглавый Орёл (Берлин, 1920-1922; Париж, 1926-1931)

15. Евразия (Париж, 1928-1929)

16. Евразийская хроника (Прага, 1925-1926; Париж, 1926-1928; Берлин, 19351937)

17. Евразийский временник (Берлин, 1923-1927)

18. Жизнь (Львов, 1922-1923)

19. Закон и суд. Вестник Русского юридического общества (Рига, 1929-1938)

20. За новую Россию (София, 1935-1937)

21. За Родину (София, 1937-1940)

22. За Россию (София, 1930)

23. За Россию (София, 1932-1936, Белград, 1940)

24. За Свободу! (Варшава, 1921-1932)

25. Записки социалдемократа (Париж, 1931-1934)

26. Заря (Берлин, 1922-1925)

27. Знамя Борьбы (Берлин, 1924-1930)

28. Знамя России (Прага, 1933-1939)

29. Иллюстрированная Россия (Париж; 1924-1939)

30. Информационная газета (Прага, 1933-1934)

31. Клич (Выборг, 1933-1935; Брюссель, 1936-1939; Белград, 1939-1939?)

32. Крестьянская Россия (Прага, 1922-1924)

33. Меч (Варшава, 1934-1939)

34. Младоросс (Париж, 1930-1932)

35. Младоросская Искра (Париж, 1931-1940)

36. Молва (Варшава, 1932-1934)

37. Молодая Россия (Мюнхен, 1923)

38. Молодая Россия (Париж, 1923)

39. Молодое слово (София, 1931-1937)

40. Накануне (Берлин, 1922-1924)

41. Наш Путь (Тяньцзинь, 1926-1928)

42. Наша Речь (Бухарест, 1922-1938)

43. Наше время (Вильно, 1929-1933)

44. Наше Знамя (Париж, 1929-1930)

45. Наше Слово (Париж, 1934-1939)

46. Новая Россия (София, 1922-1923)

47. Новая русская книга (Берлин, 1922-1923)

48. Новое время (Белград, 1921-1930)

49. Новое Русское Слово (Нью-Йорк, 1910-2010; 2022-)

50. Новое Слово (Берлин, 1933-1944)

51. Общее дело (Париж, 1918-1934)

52. Оповещение [Парижского очага] Союза младороссов (Париж, 1928-1930)

53. Отечество (Париж, 1921-1923)

54. Последние новости (Париж, 1920-1940)

55. Путь (Париж, 1925-1940)

56. Революционная Россия (Ревель, 1920; Юрьев, 1920-1921; Берлин, 19221923; Прага, 1923-1931)

57. Родная земля (Париж, 1925-1928)

58. Россия (Париж, 1927-1928)

59. Россия (Париж, 1930-1933)

60. Россия и славянство (Париж, 1928-1934)

61. Руль (Берлин, 1920-1931)

62. Русь (София, 1922-1928)

63. Русская газета (Париж, 1923-1925)

64. Русская жизнь (Сан-Франциско, 1921-2022)

65. Русская мысль (Париж, 1947-)

66. Русская мысль (София, 1921; Прага, 1922; Берлин, 1922; Прага, 1922-1924; Париж, 1927)

67. Русская Правда (Берлин, 1922-1933)

68. Русский военный вестник (Белград, 1925-1928)

69. Русский голос (Белград, 1931-1941)

70. Русский инвалид (Париж, 1924-1940, 1960-1978)

71. Русский колокол (Берлин, 1927-1930)

72. Русский Стяг (Нови-Сад, 1925; Белград, 1926-1927)

73. Русское время (Париж, 1925-1929)

74. Свершения (Париж, 1934)

75. Сегодня (Рига, 1919-1940)

76. Сигнал (Париж, 1937-1940)

77. Свободная Россия (Берлин, 1924; Прага, 1924-1926)

78. Слово (Рига, 1925-1929)

79. Современные записки (Париж, 1920-1940)

80. Социалистический вестник (Берлин, 1921-1933; Париж, 1933-1940; Нью-Йорк, 1940-1963)

81. Фронт молодых (Париж, 1930)

82. Царский вестник (Белград, 1928-1940)

83. Часовой (Париж 1929-1936; Брюссель, 1936-1988)

С. Книги, статьи и брошюры

1. Алексеев Н. Н. О газете «Евразия» (газета «Евразия» не есть евразийский орган) / Н. Н. Алексеев, В. Н. Ильин, П. Н. Савицкий. - Париж, б. и., 1929. - 30 с.

2. Вериста [В. Н. Новиков]. Основные начала российского фашизма. Тезисы русского фашиста / Вериста. - [Брюссель]: Клич, [1936]. - 15 с.

3. Исход к Востоку. Предчувствия и свершения. Утверждение евразийцев. -София: Российско-Болгарское книгоиздательство, 1921. - VII, 125 с.

4. К Молодой России... Сборник Младороссов. - Париж: б. и., 1928. - 161 с.

5. Кадомцев Б. П. Мировая экономическая, социальная и политическая революция / Б. П. Кадомцев. - Б. м.: Издательство Младоросской партии, б. д. -31 с.

6. Казем-Бек А. Л. Россия, младороссы и эмиграция / А. Л. Казем-Бек. - Париж: Издательство Младоросской партии, 1935. - 95 с.

7. Карсавин Л. П. Государство и кризис демократии / Л. П. Карсавин // Новый мир. - 1991. - № 1. - С. 183-95.

8. Муссолини Б. Доктрина фашизма с приложением Хартии труда / Б. Муссолини; пер. с ит. В. Н. Новикова. - Париж: Возрождение, 1938. - 60 с.

9. Национальный союз нового поколения (Национально-трудовой союз). - Б. м.: Издание исполнительного бюро совета союза, 1935. 81 с.

10. Новиков В. Н. Фашизм: очерки по итальянскому фашизму. С приложением текста закона 3 апреля 1926 года о фашистских синдикатах / В. Н. Новиков. - Париж: Возрождение, 1926. - 121 с.

11. Новиков В. Н. Предисловие / Доктрина фашизма с приложением Хартии труда / Б. Муссолини; пер. с ит. В. Н. Новикова. - Париж: Возрождение, 1938. - С. 5-8.

12. Первухин М. К. Мысли о фашизме / М. К. Первухин. - Тяньцзинь: Наш Путь, 1927. - 150 с.

13. Путь к победе. - Белград: Издание Агитпункта Союза Младороссов в Белграде, 1934. - 46 с.

14. Смена вех. Сборник статей: Ю. В. Ключникова, Н. В. Устрялова, С. С. Лукьянова, А. В. Бобрищева-Пушкина, С. С. Чахотина и Ю. Н. Потехина. -Прага: Наша речь, 1921. - 183 с.

15. Устрялов Н. В. Итальянский фашизм / Н. В. Устрялов. - Харбин: Типолитография Льва Абрамовича, 1928. - 173 с.

16. Шульгин В. В. «Что нам в них не нравится...». Об антисемитизме в России / В. В. Шульгин. - М.: Русская книга, 1994.- 448 с.

17. Шульгин В. В. Три столицы / В. В. Шульгин. - М.: Современник, 1991. 497 с.

18. Ambrogetti G. [Рецензия] / G. Ambrogetti // Bibliografia fascista. - 1928. - No. 12. - P. 16-18. Recensione del libro Фашизм: очерки по итальянскому фашизму. С приложением текста закона 3 апреля 1926 года о фашистских синдикатах / В. Н. Новиков. - Париж: Возрождение, 1926. - 121 с.

19. Gentile G. Che cosa e il fascismo: discorsi e polemiche / G. Gentile. - Firenze: Vallecchi, 1925. - 276 p.

20. Malaparte C. L'Europa vivente e altri saggi politici (1921-1931) / C. Malaparte.

- Firenze: Vallecchi, 1961.- 658 p.

21. Marpicati A. Fascismo / A. Marpicati, B. Mussolini, G. Volpe // Enciclopedia italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti, vol. XIV. - Milano - Roma: Treves - Treccani

- Tumminelli, 1932. - P. 847-884.

22. von Mises L. Liberalism: The Classical Tradition / L. von Mises. - Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2005. - 207 p.

23. Perwoukhine M. I Bolsceviki / M. Perwoukhine. - Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli editore, 1918. - 171 p.

24. Perwoukhine M. La sfinge bolscevica / M. Perwoukhine. - Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli editore, 1920. - XI, 245 p.

25. Pisani V. [Рецензия] / V. Pisani // Il Giornale di Politica e di Letteratura. - 1927.

- No. 7. - P. 551-552. Recensione del libro Фашизм: очерки по итальянскому фашизму. С приложением текста закона 3 апреля 1926 года о фашистских синдикатах / В. Н. Новиков. - Париж: Возрождение, 1926. - 121 с.

26. Salvemini G. The Grand Council of Fascism / G. Salvemini // Foreign Affairs. -1929. - vol. 7. - No. 2. - p. 292-300.

D. Документальные сборники

1. Амфитеатров и Савинков: переписка 1923-1924 / публикация Э. Гаретто, А. И. Добкина, Д. И. Зубарева // Минувшее: Исторический альманах. -1993. - Т. 13. - С. 73-158.

2. Богомолов Н. А. Сергей Кречетов между литературой и политикой / Н. А. Богомолов / Russian Literature. - 2017. - Т. 92. - P. 77-138.

3. Ермишин О. Т. П. П. Сувчинский, его издательские проекты и переписка с современниками / О. Т. Ермишин // Философские науки. - 2017. - № 11. -С. 128-46.

4. И. А. Ильин. Pro et contra / сост. И. И. Евлампиев. - СПб.: Издательство РХГИ, 2004. - 895 с.

5. Ильин И. А. Собрание сочинении в десяти томах. Том второй, книга I / И. А. Ильин; сост. Ю. Т. Лисица. - М.: Русская книга, 1993. 496 с.

6. Краснов П. Н. Полное собрание сочинений. Т. 22: Белая свитка (роман). Статьи из журнала «Русская Правда» 1922-1932 гг. / П. Н. Краснов. - Подольск: Музей-мемориал «Донские казаки в борьбе с большевиками», 2022. - 672 с.

7. Марков Н. Е. Дуиские речи. Войны тёмных сил / Н. Е. Марков; сост. и комм. Д. И. Стогов. - М.: Институт русской цивилизации, 2011. - 704 с.

8. Меньшевики в большевистской России. 1918-1924. Меньшевики в 1918 году / отв. ред. З. Галили, А. П. Ненароков. - M.: РОССПЭН, 1999. - 799 с.

9. Меньшевики в большевистской России. 1918-1924. Меньшевики в 19191920 гг. / отв. ред. З. Галили, А. П. Ненароков. - M.: РОССПЭН, 2000. -936 с.

10. Меньшевики в большевистской России. 1918-1924. Меньшевики в 19211922 гг. / отв. ред. З. Галили, А. П. Ненароков. - M.: РОССПЭН, 2002. -622 с.

11. Меньшевики в большевистской России. 1918-1924. Меньшевики в 19221924 гг. / отв. ред. З. Галили, А. П. Ненароков. - M.: РОССПЭН, 2004. -728 с.

12. Меньшевики в эмиграции. Протоколы Заграничной Делегации РСДРП. 1922-1951 гг. Ч. 1 / отв. ред. А. Либих и А. Ненароков. - М.: РОССПЭН, 2010. - 836 с.

13. Меньшевики в эмиграции. Протоколы Заграничной Делегации РСДРП. 1922-1951 гг. Ч. 2 / отв. ред. А. Либих и А. Ненароков. - М.: РОССПЭН, 2010. - 526 с.

14. Политическая история русской эмиграции: 1920-1940 гг.: Документы и материалы / под ред. А. Ф. Киселёва. - М.: ВЛАДОС, 1999. - 776 с.

15. Российский Зарубежный Съезд. 1926. Париж: Документы и материалы. -М.: Русский путь, 2006. - 848 с.

16. Спор о России: В. А. Маклаков - В. В. Шульгин. Переписка 1919-1939 гг. / сост. О. В Будницкий. - М.: РОССПЭН, 2012. - 439 с.

17. Устрялов Н. В. Письма к П. П. Сувчинскому. 1926-1930 / Н. В. Устрялов; сост. и комм. К. Б. Ермишиной. - М.: ДРЗ им. Александра Солженицына, 2010. - 80 с.

E. Мемуары и интервью

1. Байдалаков В. М. Да возвеличится Россия. Да гибнут наши имена. Воспоминания председателя НТС 1930-1960 гг. / В. М. Байдалаков. - М.: Аву-ар Консалтинг, 2002. - 124 с.

2. Варшавский В. С. Незамеченное поколение. - М.: Русский путь - ДРЗ им. Александра Солженицына, 2010. - 544 c.

3. Граф Г. К. На службе Императорскому дому России, 1917-1941. Воспоминания / Г. К. Граф; вступ. и комм. В. Ю. Черняева. - СПб.: Русско-Балтийский информационный центр БЛИЦ, 2004. - 688 с.

4. Гуль Р. Б. Я унёс Россию. Том II / Р. Б. Гуль. - М.: Директ-Медия, 2019. -344 с.

5. Иванова Л. В. Воспоминания. Книга об отце / Л. В. Иванова; под. текста и комм. Джона Мальмстада. - М.: РИК «Культура», 1992. - 432 с.

6. Николаевский Б. И. Памяти С. О. Португейса (Степан Иванович) / Б. И. Николаевский // Новый Журнал. - 1944. - № 8. - С. 394-402.

7. НТС. Мысль и дело. 1930-2000. M.: Посев, 2000. - 128 с.

8. От зарубежья до Москвы. Народно-Трудовой Союз (НТС) в воспоминаниях и документах 1924-2014 / сост. В. А. Сендеров. - М.: Посев, 2014. - 384 с.

9. Прянишников Б. В. Незримая паутина: ОГПУ-НКВД против белой эмиграции / Б. В. Прянишников. - Valley Cottage, New York: б. и., 1979. - 397 с.

10. Прянишников Б. В. Новопоколенцы / Б. В. Прянишников. - Silver Spring (Maryland): б. и., 1986. - 296 с.

11. Слоним М. Л. «Volia Rossii» / М. Л. Слоним // Русская литература в эмиграции: сборник статей / под ред. Н. П. Полторацкого. - Pittsburgh: Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh, 1972. - С. 291-300.

12. Столыпин А. П. На службе России. Очерки по истории НТС / А. П. Столыпин. - Frankfurt am Main: Посев, 1986. - 303 с.

13. RaymondB. George C. Guins. Professor and Government Official: Russia, China, and California. An Interview Conducted by Boris Raymond / B. Ramond, G. C. Guins. - Berkeley: University of California, Berkeley, the Bancroft Library, Regional History Office, 1966 [1968]. - 365 p.

14. The Mensheviks: From the Revolution of 1917 to the Second World War / ed. by Leopold H. Haimson. - Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974. - xxiii, 476 p.

15. Wolin S. The Mensheviks under the NEP and in Emigration / S. Wolin // The Mensheviks: From the Revolution of 1917 to the Second World War / ed. by Leopold H. Haimson. - Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974. - p. 241348.

II. Электронные ресурсы

1. Aversion [электронный ресурс] // Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary. Merriam-Webster, n.d. - URL: https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/aversion

2. Marpicati A. Fascismo [электронный ресурс] / A. Marpicati, B. Mussolini, G. Volpe // Treccani . - 1932. - URL: https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/fascismo_%28Enciclopedia-Italiana%29/

3. Morson G. S. Falling in Love with Terror [электронный ресурс] / G. S. Morton // The New York Review of Books. - 13 January 2022. URL: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2022/01/13/falling-in-love-with-terror/

4. Russi in Italia [электронный ресурс] / URL: https://www.russinitalia.it/.

5. Russia Abroad Digital Collection [электронный ресурс] / URL: https://radc.hoover.org/. - Режим доступа: для зарег. пользователей.

III. Литература

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